المحافظة (فلسفة)
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محافظة |
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بوابة السياسة |
المحافظة Conservatism، هي فلسفة تدعو إلى التمسك بحزم بالعادات والتقاليد السابقة؛ سواء كانت اجتماعية، أم سياسية أم ثقافية… إلخ. ويتوخى بعض المحافظين الإبقاء على المفاهيم التقليدية والقِيمَ والأفكار التي يرونها هاديًا إلى طرق الحكمة والخير. ولكن كلمة المحافظة مبهمة، لأنّ معناها يختلف حسب الزمان والمكان والظروف.
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التاريخ
تاريخ الفكر المحافظ
استخدم لفظ محافظ أول ما اُستخدم حوالي عام 1830م ليدلَّ على أعضاء الحزب التوري البريطاني القديم (المحافظين). أما الأفكار المحافظة فقد ظهرت في القرن الثامن عشر الميلادي في كتابات وخُطَب رجل السياسية البريطاني أدموند بيرك، وظهرت المحافظة السياسية جزئيًا رد فعل على طغيان الثورة الفرنسية وعلى الاعتقاد بأن الطبيعة البشرية يمكن أن تُصبح مثالية عن طريق التغيُّر الاجتماعي والثورة السياسية، وقد بين المحافظون أنّ التغيّر الاجتماعي يجب أن يحدث لا عن طريق الثورة ولكن بوساطة إطار من الأَفكار والمبادئ التقليدية.
وعلى هذا الأساس لا يمكن أن يكون المحافظون الحقيقيون ثواراً، لأنهم يريدون الحفاظ على الأَفضل في الماضي والإبقاء عليه في المستقبل.
In Great Britain, the Tory movement during the Restoration period (1660–1688) was a primitive form of conservatism that supported a hierarchical society with a monarch who ruled by divine right. However, Tories differ from most later, more moderate, mainstream conservatives in that they opposed the idea that sovereignty derived from the people and rejected the authority of parliament and freedom of religion. Robert Filmer's Patriarcha: or the Natural Power of Kings (published posthumously in 1680, but written before the English Civil War of 1642–1651) became accepted as the statement of their doctrine. However, the Glorious Revolution of 1688 destroyed this principle to some degree by establishing a constitutional government in England, leading to the hegemony of the Tory-opposed Whig ideology. Faced with defeat, the Tories reformed their movement. They adopted more moderate conservative positions, such as holding that sovereignty was vested in the three estates of Crown, Lords, and Commons[1] rather than solely in the Crown. Richard Hooker (1554–1600), Marquess of Halifax (1633–1695) and David Hume (1711–1776) were conservatives of the period. Halifax promoted pragmatism in government whilst Hume argued against political rationalism and utopianism.[2][3]
Edmund Burke (1729–1797) has been widely regarded as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism as we know it today.[4][5] Burke served as the private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham and as official pamphleteer to the Rockingham branch of the Whig party.[6] Together with the Tories, they were the conservatives in the late 18th century United Kingdom.[7] Burke's views were a mixture of conservatism and republicanism. He supported the American Revolution of 1775–1783 but abhorred the violence of the French Revolution (1789–1799). He accepted the conservative ideals of private property and the economics of Adam Smith (1723–1790), but thought that economics should remain subordinate to the conservative social ethic, that capitalism should be subordinate to the medieval social tradition and that the business class should be subordinate to aristocracy.[بحاجة لمصدر] He insisted on standards of honour derived from the medieval aristocratic tradition and saw the aristocracy as the nation's natural leaders.[8] That meant limits on the powers of the Crown, since he found the institutions of Parliament to be better informed than commissions appointed by the executive. He favored an established church, but allowed for a degree of religious toleration.[9] Burke ultimately justified the social order on the basis of tradition: tradition represented the wisdom of the species, and he valued community and social harmony over social reforms.[10]
Another form of conservatism developed in France in parallel to conservatism in Britain. It was influenced by Counter-Enlightenment works by men such as Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) and Louis de Bonald (1754–1840). Many continental conservatives do not support separation of church and state, with most supporting state recognition of and cooperation with the Catholic Church, such as had existed in France before the Revolution. Conservatives were also early to embrace nationalism, which was previously associated with liberalism and the Revolution in France.[11] Another early French conservative, François-René de Chateaubriand (1768–1848), espoused a romantic opposition to modernity, contrasting its emptiness with the 'full heart' of traditional faith and loyalty.[12] Elsewhere on the continent, German thinkers Justus Möser (1720–1794) and Friedrich von Gentz (1764–1832) criticized the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen that came of the Revolution.[13] Opposition was also expressed by Adam Müller (1779–1829) and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1771–1830), the latter inspiring both left and right-wing followers.[14]
Both Burke and Maistre were critical and skeptical of democracy in general, though their reasons differed.[15] Maistre was pessimistic about humans being able to follow rules, while Burke was skeptical about humans' innate ability to make rules.[16] For Maistre, rules had a divine origin, while Burke believed they arose from custom.[17] The lack of custom for Burke, and the lack of divine guidance for Maistre, meant that people would act in terrible ways.[18] Both also believed that liberty of the wrong kind led to bewilderment and political breakdown.[19] Their ideas would together flow into a stream of anti-rationalist, romantic conservatism, but would still stay separate.[20] Whereas Burke was more open to argumentation and disagreement, Maistre wanted faith and authority, leading to a more illiberal strain of thought.[21]
History of conservative parties and movements
Conservative political parties vary widely from country to country in the goals they wish to achieve. Both conservative and liberal parties tend to favor private ownership of property, in opposition to communist, socialist and green parties, which favor communal ownership or laws requiring social responsibility on the part of property owners. Where conservatives and social liberals differ is primarily on social issues. Conservatives tend to reject behavior that does not conform to some social norm. Modern conservative parties often define themselves by their opposition to liberal or labor parties. The United States usage of the term "conservative" is unique to that country.[22]
In Italy, which was united by liberals and radicals (Risorgimento), liberals, not conservatives, emerged as the party of the right.[23] In the Netherlands, conservatives merged into a new Christian democratic party in 1980.[24] In Austria, Germany, Portugal and Spain, conservatism was transformed into and incorporated into fascism or the far-right.[25] In 1940, all Japanese parties were merged into a single fascist party. Following the war, Japanese conservatives briefly returned to politics, but were largely purged from public office.[26]
Conservative elites have long dominated Latin American nations. Mostly, this has been achieved through control of and support for civil institutions, the church and the armed forces, rather than through party politics. Typically, the church was exempt from taxes and its employees immune from civil prosecution. Where national conservative parties were weak or non-existent, conservatives were more likely to rely on military dictatorship as a preferred form of government. However, in some nations where the elites were able to mobilize popular support for conservative parties, longer periods of political stability were achieved. Chile, Colombia and Venezuela are examples of nations that developed strong conservative parties. Argentina, Brazil, El Salvador and Peru are examples of nations where this did not occur.[27] The Conservative Party of Venezuela disappeared following the Federal Wars of 1858–1863.[28] Chile's conservative party, the National Party, disbanded in 1973 following a military coup and did not re-emerge as a political force following the subsequent return to democracy.[29] Louis Hartz explained conservatism in Quebec and Latin America as a result of their settlement as feudal societies.[30] The American conservative writer Russell Kirk provided the opinion that conservatism had been brought to the United States and interpreted the American Revolution as a "conservative revolution".[31]
Historic conservatism in different countries
Although political conservatism developed in most countries, most countries did not have conservative parties. Many conservative parties disappeared as the reasons for their existence disappeared. Below are listed the historic conservative parties that survive today.
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Belgium
Having its roots in the conservative Catholic Party, the Christian People's Party retained a conservative edge through the twentieth century, supporting the king in the Royal Question, supporting nuclear family as the cornerstone of society, defending Christian education, and opposing euthanasia. The Christian People's Party dominated politics in post-war Belgium. In 1999, the party's support collapsed, and it became the country's fifth-largest party.[32][33][34] Currently, the N-VA (nieuw-vlaamse alliantie/New Flemish Alliance) is the largest party in Belgium.[35]
Canada
Canada's conservatives had their roots in the Tory loyalists who left America after the American Revolution. They developed in the socio-economic and political cleavages that existed during the first three decades of the 19th century and had the support of the business, professional and established Church (Anglican) elites in Ontario and to a lesser extent in Quebec. Holding a monopoly over administrative and judicial offices, they were called the "Family Compact" in Ontario and the "Chateau Clique" in Quebec. John A. Macdonald's successful leadership of the movement to confederate the provinces and his subsequent tenure as prime minister for most of the late 19th century rested on his ability to bring together the English-speaking Protestant oligarchy and the ultramontane Catholic hierarchy of Quebec and to keep them united in a conservative coalition.[36]
The conservatives combined pro-market liberalism and Toryism. They generally supported an activist government and state intervention in the marketplace and their policies were marked by noblesse oblige, a paternalistic responsibility of the elites for the less well-off.[37] From 1942, the party was known as the Progressive Conservatives until 2003, when the national party merged with the Canadian Alliance to form the Conservative Party of Canada.[38]
The conservative and autonomist Union Nationale, led by Maurice Duplessis, governed the province of Quebec in periods from 1936 to 1960 and in a close alliance with the Catholic Church, small rural elites, farmers and business elites. This period, known by liberals as the Great Darkness, ended with the Quiet Revolution and the party went into terminal decline.[39] By the end of the 1960s, the political debate in Quebec centered around the question of independence, opposing the social democratic and sovereignist Parti Québécois and the centrist and federalist Quebec Liberal Party, therefore marginalizing the conservative movement. Most French Canadian conservatives rallied either the Quebec Liberal Party or the Parti Québécois, while some of them still tried to offer an autonomist third-way with what was left of the Union Nationale or the more populists Ralliement créditiste du Québec and Parti national populaire, but by the 1981 provincial election politically organized conservatism had been obliterated in Quebec. It slowly started to revive at the 1994 provincial election with the Action démocratique du Québec, who served as Official opposition in the National Assembly from 2007 to 2008, before its merger with François Legault's Coalition Avenir Québec in 2012, that took power in 2018.
The modern Conservative Party of Canada has rebranded conservatism and under the leadership of Stephen Harper, the Conservative Party added more conservative policies.
Colombia
The Colombian Conservative Party, founded in 1849, traces its origins to opponents of General Francisco de Paula Santander's 1833–1837 administration. While the term "liberal" had been used to describe all political forces in Colombia, the conservatives began describing themselves as "conservative liberals" and their opponents as "red liberals". From the 1860s until the present, the party has supported strong central government; supported the Catholic Church, especially its role as protector of the sanctity of the family; and opposed separation of church and state. Its policies include the legal equality of all men, the citizen's right to own property and opposition to dictatorship. It has usually been Colombia's second largest party, with the Colombian Liberal Party being the largest.[40]
Denmark
Danish conservatism emerged with the political grouping Højre (literally "Right"), which due to its alliance with king Christian IX of Denmark dominated Danish politics and formed all governments from 1865 to 1901. When a constitutional reform in 1915 stripped the landed gentry of political power, Højre was succeeded by the Conservative People's Party of Denmark, which has since then been the main Danish conservative party.[41] Another Danish conservative party was the Free Conservatives who were active between 1902 and 1920. The Conservative People's Party led the government coalition from 1982 to 1993. The party had previously been member of various governments from 1916 to 1917, 1940 to 1945, 1950 to 1953 and 1968 to 1971. The party was a junior partner in governments led by the Liberals from 2001 to 2011[42] and again from 2016 to 2019. The party is preceded by 11 years by the Young Conservatives (KU), today the youth movement of the party.
The Conservative People's Party had a stable electoral support close to 15 to 20% at almost all general elections from 1918 to 1971. In the 1970s it declined to around 5%, but then under the leadership of Poul Schlüter reached its highest popularity level ever in 1984, receiving almost every fourth vote. Since the late 1990s the party has obtained around 5 to 10% of the vote. In the 2022 Danish general election, the party received 5.5% of the vote.[43]
Conservative thinking has also influenced other Danish political parties. In 1995 the Danish People's Party was founded, based on a mixture of conservative, national and social democratic ideas.[41] In 2015 the party New Right was established, professing a national conservative attitude.[44] In the 2022 Danish general election, the two parties received 2.6 and 3.7% of the vote, respectively.
The conservative parties in Denmark have always considered the monarchy as a central institution in Denmark.[45][46][47][48]
Finland
The conservative party in Finland is the National Coalition Party (in Finnish Kansallinen Kokoomus, Kok). The party was founded in 1918, when several monarchist parties united. Although in the past the party was right-wing, today it is a moderate liberal conservative party. While the party advocates economic liberalism, it is committed to the social market economy.[49]
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France
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Conservatism in France focused on the rejection of the secularism of the French Revolution, support for the role of the Catholic Church and the restoration of the monarchy.[50] The monarchist cause was on the verge of victory in the 1870s, but then collapsed because the proposed king, Henri, Count of Chambord, refused to fly the tri-colored flag.[51] Religious tensions heightened in the 1890–1910 era, but moderated after the spirit of unity in fighting the First World War.[52] An extreme form of conservatism characterized the Vichy regime of 1940–1944 with heightened antisemitism, opposition to individualism, emphasis on family life and national direction of the economy.[53]
Following the Second World War, conservatives in France supported Gaullist groups and have been nationalistic and emphasized tradition, order and the regeneration of France.[54] Gaullists held divergent views on social issues. The number of conservative groups, their lack of stability and their tendency to be identified with local issues defy simple categorization. Conservatism has been the major political force in France since the Second World War.[55] Unusually, post-war French conservatism was formed around the personality of a leader, Charles de Gaulle; and did not draw on traditional French conservatism, but on the Bonapartism tradition.[56] Gaullism in France continues under The Republicans (formerly Union for a Popular Movement), which was previously led by Nicolas Sarkozy, a conservative figure in France (see Sinistrisme).[57] The word "conservative" itself is a term of abuse to many people in France.[58]
Greece
قالب:Conservatism in Greece sidebar The main inter-war conservative party was called the People's Party (PP), which supported constitutional monarchy and opposed the republican Liberal Party. Both it and the Liberal party were suppressed by the authoritarian, arch-conservative and royalist 4th of August Regime of Ioannis Metaxas in 1936–1941. The PP was able to re-group after the Second World War as part of a United Nationalist Front which achieved power campaigning on a simple anticommunist, nationalist platform during the Greek Civil War (1946–1949). However, the vote received by the PP declined during the so-called "Centrist Interlude" in 1950–1952. In 1952, Marshal Alexandros Papagos created the Greek Rally as an umbrella for the right-wing forces. The Greek Rally came to power in 1952 and remained the leading party in Greece until 1963—after Papagos' death in 1955 reformed as the National Radical Union under Konstantinos Karamanlis. Right-wing governments backed by the palace and the army overthrew the Centre Union government in 1965 and governed the country until the establishment of the far-right Greek junta (1967–1974). After the regime's collapse in August 1974, Karamanlis returned from exile to lead the government and founded the New Democracy party. The new conservative party had four objectives: to confront Turkish expansionism in Cyprus, to reestablish and solidify democratic rule, to give the country a strong government and to make a powerful moderate party a force in Greek politics.[59]
The Independent Greeks, a newly formed political party in Greece, has also supported conservatism, particularly national and religious conservatism. The Founding Declaration of the Independent Greeks strongly emphasises in the preservation of the Greek state and its sovereignty, the Greek people and the Greek Orthodox Church.[60]
Iceland
Founded in 1924 as the Conservative Party, Iceland's Independence Party adopted its current name in 1929 after the merger with the Liberal Party. From the beginning, they have been the largest vote-winning party, averaging around 40%. They combined liberalism and conservatism, supported nationalization of infrastructure and opposed class conflict. While mostly in opposition during the 1930s, they embraced economic liberalism, but accepted the welfare state after the war and participated in governments supportive of state intervention and protectionism. Unlike other Scandanivian conservative (and liberal) parties, it has always had a large working-class following.[61] After the financial crisis in 2008, the party has sunk to a lower support level around 20–25%.
Luxembourg
Luxembourg's major conservative party, the Christian Social People's Party (CSV or PCS), was formed as the Party of the Right in 1914 and adopted its present name in 1945. It was consistently the largest political party in Luxembourg, and dominated politics throughout the 20th century.[62]
Norway
The Conservative Party of Norway (Norwegian: Høyre, literally "right") was formed by the old upper class of state officials and wealthy merchants to fight the populist democracy of the Liberal Party, but lost power in 1884, when parliamentarian government was first practised. It formed its first government under parliamentarism in 1889 and continued to alternate in power with the Liberals until the 1930s, when Labour became the dominant political party. It has elements both of paternalism, stressing the responsibilities of the state, and of economic liberalism. It first returned to power in the 1960s.[63] During Kåre Willoch's premiership in the 1980s, much emphasis was laid on liberalizing the credit and housing market, and abolishing the NRK TV and radio monopoly, while supporting law and order in criminal justice and traditional norms in education[64]
Sweden
قالب:Conservatism in Sweden Sweden's conservative party, the Moderate Party, was formed in 1904, two years after the founding of the Liberal Party.[65] The party emphasizes tax reductions, deregulation of private enterprise and privatization of schools, hospitals, and kindergartens.[66]
Switzerland
There are a number of conservative parties in Switzerland's parliament, the Federal Assembly. These include the largest, the Swiss People's Party (SVP),[67] the Christian Democratic People's Party (CVP)[68] and the Conservative Democratic Party of Switzerland (BDP),[69] which is a splinter of the SVP created in the aftermath to the election of Eveline Widmer-Schlumpf as Federal Council.[69] The right-wing parties have a majority in the Federal Assembly.
The Swiss People's Party (SVP or UDC) was formed from the 1971 merger of the Party of Farmers, Traders and Citizens, formed in 1917 and the smaller Swiss Democratic Party, formed in 1942. The SVP emphasized agricultural policy and was strong among farmers in German-speaking Protestant areas. As Switzerland considered closer relations with the European Union in the 1990s, the SVP adopted a more militant protectionist and isolationist stance. This stance has allowed it to expand into German-speaking Catholic mountainous areas.[70] The Anti-Defamation League, a non-Swiss lobby group based in the United States has accused them of manipulating issues such as immigration, Swiss neutrality and welfare benefits, awakening antisemitism and racism.[71] The Council of Europe has called the SVP "extreme right", although some scholars dispute this classification. For instance, Hans-Georg Betz describes it as "populist radical right".[72] The SVP is the largest party since 2003.
Ukraine
Authoritarian Ukrainian State headed by Pavlo Skoropadskyi represented the conservative movement. The 1918 Hetman government, which appealed to the tradition of the 17th–18th century Cossack Hetman state, represented the conservative strand in Ukraine's struggle for independence. It had the support of the proprietary classes and of conservative and moderate political groups. Vyacheslav Lypynsky was a main ideologue of Ukrainian conservatism.[73]
United Kingdom
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According to historian James Sack, English conservatives celebrate Edmund Burke, who was Irish, as their intellectual father.[74] Burke was affiliated with the Whig Party which eventually split amongst the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party, but the modern Conservative Party is generally thought to derive primarily from the Tories, and the MPs of the modern conservative party are still frequently referred to as Tories.
Shortly after Burke's death in 1797, conservatism revived as a mainstream political force as the Whigs suffered a series of internal divisions. This new generation of conservatives derived their politics not from Burke, but from his predecessor, the Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751), who was a Jacobite and traditional Tory, lacking Burke's sympathies for Whiggish policies such as Catholic emancipation and American independence (famously attacked by Samuel Johnson in "Taxation No Tyranny"). In the first half of the 19th century, many newspapers, magazines, and journals promoted loyalist or right-wing attitudes in religion, politics and international affairs. Burke was seldom mentioned, but William Pitt the Younger (1759–1806) became a conspicuous hero. The most prominent journals included The Quarterly Review, founded in 1809 as a counterweight to the Whigs' Edinburgh Review and the even more conservative Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine. Sack finds that the Quarterly Review promoted a balanced Canningite toryism as it was neutral on Catholic emancipation and only mildly critical of Nonconformist Dissent; it opposed slavery and supported the current poor laws; and it was "aggressively imperialist". The high-church clergy of the Church of England read the Orthodox Churchman's Magazine which was equally hostile to Jewish, Catholic, Jacobin, Methodist and Unitarian spokesmen. Anchoring the ultra Tories, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine stood firmly against Catholic emancipation and favoured slavery, cheap money, mercantilism, the Navigation Acts and the Holy Alliance.[75]
Conservatism evolved after 1820, embracing free trade in 1846 and a commitment to democracy, especially under Disraeli. The effect was to significantly strengthen conservatism as a grassroots political force. Conservatism no longer was the philosophical defense of the landed aristocracy, but had been refreshed into redefining its commitment to the ideals of order, both secular and religious, expanding imperialism, strengthened monarchy and a more generous vision of the welfare state as opposed to the punitive vision of the Whigs and liberals.[76] As early as 1835, Disraeli attacked the Whigs and utilitarians as slavishly devoted to an industrial oligarchy, while he described his fellow Tories as the only "really democratic party of England" and devoted to the interests of the whole people.[77] Nevertheless, inside the party there was a tension between the growing numbers of wealthy businessmen on the one side and the aristocracy and rural gentry on the other.[78] The aristocracy gained strength as businessmen discovered they could use their wealth to buy a peerage and a country estate.
Although conservatives opposed attempts to allow greater representation of the middle class in parliament, they conceded that electoral reform could not be reversed and promised to support further reforms so long as they did not erode the institutions of church and state. These new principles were presented in the Tamworth Manifesto of 1834, which historians regard as the basic statement of the beliefs of the new Conservative Party.[79]
Some conservatives lamented the passing of a pastoral world where the ethos of noblesse oblige had promoted respect from the lower classes. They saw the Anglican Church and the aristocracy as balances against commercial wealth.[80] They worked toward legislation for improved working conditions and urban housing.[81] This viewpoint would later be called Tory democracy.[82] However, since Burke, there has always been tension between traditional aristocratic conservatism and the wealthy business class.[83]
In 1834, Tory Prime Minister Robert Peel issued the Tamworth Manifesto in which he pledged to endorse moderate political reform. This marked the beginning of the transformation of British conservatism from High Tory reactionism towards a more modern form based on "conservation". The party became known as the Conservative Party as a result, a name it has retained to this day. However, Peel would also be the root of a split in the party between the traditional Tories (by the Earl of Derby and Benjamin Disraeli) and the "Peelites" (led first by Peel himself, then by the Earl of Aberdeen). The split occurred in 1846 over the issue of free trade, which Peel supported, versus protectionism, supported by Derby. The majority of the party sided with Derby whilst about a third split away, eventually merging with the Whigs and the radicals to form the Liberal Party. Despite the split, the mainstream Conservative Party accepted the doctrine of free trade in 1852.
In the second half of the 19th century, the Liberal Party faced political schisms, especially over Irish Home Rule. Leader William Gladstone (himself a former Peelite) sought to give Ireland a degree of autonomy, a move that elements in both the left and right-wings of his party opposed. These split off to become the Liberal Unionists (led by Joseph Chamberlain), forming a coalition with the Conservatives before merging with them in 1912. The Liberal Unionist influence dragged the Conservative Party towards the left as Conservative governments passing a number of progressive reforms at the turn of the 20th century. By the late 19th century, the traditional business supporters of the Liberal Party had joined the Conservatives, making them the party of business and commerce.[84]
After a period of Liberal dominance before the First World War, the Conservatives gradually became more influential in government, regaining full control of the cabinet in 1922. In the inter-war period, conservatism was the major ideology in Britain[85][86][87] as the Liberal Party vied with the Labour Party for control of the left. After the Second World War, the first Labour government (1945–1951) under Clement Attlee embarked on a program of nationalization of industry and the promotion of social welfare. The Conservatives generally accepted those policies until the 1980s.
In the 1980s, the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, guided by neoliberal economics, reversed many of Labour's social programmes, privatised large parts of the UK economy and sold state-owned assets.[88] The Conservative Party also adopt soft eurosceptic politics, and oppose Federal Europe. Other conservative political parties, such as the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP, founded in 1993), Northern Ireland's Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP, founded in 1971), began to appear, although they have yet to make any significant impact at Westminster (اعتبارا من 2014[تحديث], the DUP comprises the largest political party in the ruling coalition in the Northern Ireland Assembly), and from 2017–19 the DUP provided support for the Conservative minority government under a confidence-and-supply arrangement.
Modern conservatism in different countries
Many sources[which?] refer to any political parties on the right of the political spectrum as conservative despite having no connection with historical conservatism. In most cases, these parties do not use the term conservative in their name or self-identify as conservative. Below is a partial list of such political parties.
Australia
قالب:Conservatism in Australia
The Liberal Party of Australia adheres to the principles of social conservatism and liberal conservatism.[89] It is liberal in the sense of economics. Other conservative parties are the National Party of Australia, a sister party of the Liberals, Family First Party, Democratic Labor Party, Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party, Australian Conservatives, and the Katter's Australian Party.
The largest party in the country is the Australian Labor Party and its dominant faction is Labor Right, a socially conservative element. Australia undertook significant economic reform under the Labor Party in the mid-1980s. Consequently, issues like protectionism, welfare reform, privatization and deregulation are no longer debated in the political space as they are in Europe or North America. Moser and Catley explain: "In America, 'liberal' means left-of-center, and it is a pejorative term when used by conservatives in adversarial political debate. In Australia, of course, the conservatives are in the Liberal Party."[90] Jupp writes that "[the] decline in English influences on Australian reformism and radicalism, and appropriation of the symbols of Empire by conservatives continued under the Liberal Party leadership of Sir Robert Menzies, which lasted until 1966".[91]
Brazil
Conservatism in Brazil originates from the cultural and historical tradition of Brazil, whose cultural roots are Luso-Iberian and Roman Catholic.[92] More traditional conservative historical views and features include belief in political federalism and monarchism.
In cultural life, Brazilian conservatism from the 20th century on includes names such as Mário Ferreira dos Santos and Vicente Ferreira da Silva in philosophy; Gerardo Melo Mourão and Otto Maria Carpeaux in literature; Bruno Tolentino in poetry; Olavo de Carvalho, Paulo Francis and Luís Ernesto Lacombe in journalism; Manuel de Oliveira Lima and João Camilo de Oliveira Torres in historiography; Sobral Pinto and Miguel Reale in law; Gustavo Corção, Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, Father Léo and Father Paulo Ricardo[93] in the Catholic Church; and Roberto Campos and Mario Henrique Simonsen in economics.[94]
In contemporary politics, a conservative wave began roughly around the 2014 Brazilian presidential election.[95] According to political analyst Antônio Augusto de Queiroz, the National Congress of Brazil elected in 2014 may be considered the most conservative since the re-democratization movement, citing an increase in the number of parliamentarians linked to more conservative segments, such as ruralists, the military of Brazil, police of Brazil, and religious conservatives. The subsequent economic crisis of 2015 and investigations of corruption scandals led to a right-wing movement that sought to rescue ideas from economic liberalism and conservatism in opposition to socialism. At the same time, fiscal conservatives such as those that make up the Free Brazil Movement emerged among many others. National conservative candidate Jair Bolsonaro of the Social Liberal Party was the winner of the 2018 Brazilian presidential election.[96]
Brazil Union, Progressistas, Republicans, Liberal Party, Brazilian Labour Renewal Party, Patriota, Brazilian Labour Party, Social Christian Party and Brasil 35 are the conservative parties in Brazil.
Germany
Conservatism developed alongside nationalism in Germany, culminating in Germany's victory over France in the Franco-Prussian War, the creation of the unified German Empire in 1871 and the simultaneous rise of Otto von Bismarck on the European political stage. Bismarck's "balance of power" model maintained peace in Europe for decades at the end of the 19th century. His "revolutionary conservatism" was a conservative state-building strategy designed to make ordinary Germans—not just the Junker elite—more loyal to state and emperor, he created the modern welfare state in Germany in the 1880s. According to Kees van Kersbergen and Barbara Vis, his strategy was:
[G]ranting social rights to enhance the integration of a hierarchical society, to forge a bond between workers and the state so as to strengthen the latter, to maintain traditional relations of authority between social and status groups, and to provide a countervailing power against the modernist forces of liberalism and socialism.[97]
Bismarck also enacted universal male suffrage in the new German Empire in 1871.[98] He became a great hero to German conservatives, who erected many monuments to his memory after he left office in 1890.[99]
With the rise of Nazism in 1933, agrarian movements faded and was supplanted by a more command-based economy and forced social integration. Though Adolf Hitler succeeded in garnering the support of many German industrialists, prominent traditionalists openly and secretly opposed his policies of euthanasia, genocide and attacks on organized religion, including Claus von Stauffenberg, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Henning von Tresckow, Bishop Clemens August Graf von Galen and the monarchist Carl Friedrich Goerdeler.
More recently, the work of conservative Christian Democratic Union leader and Chancellor Helmut Kohl helped bring about German reunification, along with the closer European integration in the form of the Maastricht Treaty.
Today, German conservatism is often associated with politicians such as Chancellor Angela Merkel, whose tenure has been marked by attempts to save the common European currency (Euro) from demise. The German conservatives are divided under Merkel due to the refugee crisis in Germany and many conservatives in the CDU/CSU oppose the refugee and migrant policies developed under Merkel.[100]
India
In India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Narendra Modi, represent conservative politics. The BJP is the largest right-wing conservative party in the world. It promotes cultural nationalism, Hindu Nationalism, an aggressive foreign policy against Pakistan and a conservative social and fiscal policy.[101]
Italy
قالب:Conservatism in Italy After unification, Italy was governed successively by the Historical Right, which represented conservative, liberal-conservative and conservative-liberal positions, and the Historical Left. After World War I, the country saw the emergence of its first mass parties, notably including the Italian People's Party (PPI), a Christian-democratic party that sought to represent the Catholic majority, which had long refrained from politics. The PPI and the Italian Socialist Party decisively contributed to the loss of strength and authority of the old liberal ruling class, which had not been able to structure itself into a proper party: the Liberal Union was not a coherent one and the Italian Liberal Party came too late. In 1921 Benito Mussolini gave birth to the National Fascist Party (PNF), and the next year, through the March on Rome, he was appointed Prime Minister. In 1926 all parties were dissolved except the PNF, which thus remained the only legal party in the Kingdom of Italy until the fall of the regime in July 1943.
By 1945 Fascists were discredited,[102] disbanded and outlawed, while Mussolini was executed in April that year. After World War II, the centre-right was dominated by the centrist Christian Democracy (DC) party, which included both conservative and centre-left elements. With its landslide victory over the Italian Socialist Party and the Italian Communist Party in 1948, the political centre was in power. In Denis Mack Smith's words, it was "moderately conservative, reasonably tolerant of everything which did not touch religion or property, but above all Catholic and sometimes clerical." It dominated politics until DC's dissolution in 1994.[103][104] Among DC's frequent allies, there was the conservative-liberal Italian Liberal Party. At the right of the DC stood monarchist parties like the Monarchist National Party and the post-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI).
In 1994 entrepreneur and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi founded Forza Italia (FI), a liberal-conservative party. Berlusconi won three elections in 1994, 2001 and 2008, governing the country for almost ten years as Prime Minister. FI formed a coalitions with several parties, including the national-conservative National Alliance (AN), heir of the MSI, and the regionalist Lega Nord (LN). FI was briefly incorporated, along with AN, in The People of Freedom party and later revived in the new Forza Italia.[105] After the 2018 general election, the LN and the Five Star Movement formed a populist government, which lasted about a year.[106] In the 2022 general election the centre-right coalition, this time dominated by Brothers of Italy (FdI), a new conservative party born on the ashes of AN. Consequently, FdI, the re-branded Lega and FI formed a government under FdI leader Giorgia Meloni.
Russia
قالب:Conservatism in Russia Under Vladimir Putin, the dominant leader since 1999, Russia has promoted explicitly conservative policies in social, cultural and political matters, both at home and abroad.[107] Putin has attacked globalism and economic liberalism. Russian conservatism is unique in some respects as it supports Economic intervention with a mixed economy, with a strong nationalist sentiment and social conservatism with its views being largely populist. Russian conservatism as a result opposes libertarian ideals such as the aforementioned concept of economic liberalism found in other conservative movements around the world. Putin has as a result promoted new think tanks that bring together like-minded intellectuals and writers. For example, the Izborsky Club, founded in 2012 by Aleksandr Prokhanov, stresses Russian nationalism, the restoration of Russia's historical greatness and systematic opposition to liberal ideas and policies.[108] Vladislav Surkov, a senior government official, has been one of the key ideologists during Putin's presidency.[109]
In cultural and social affairs, Putin has collaborated closely with the Russian Orthodox Church. Mark Woods provides specific examples of how the Church under Patriarch Kirill of Moscow has backed the expansion of Russian power into Crimea and eastern Ukraine.[110] More broadly, The New York Times reports in September 2016 how that Church's policy prescriptions support the Kremlin's appeal to social conservatives:[111]
"A fervent foe of homosexuality and any attempt to put individual rights above those of family, community, or nation, the Russian Orthodox Church helps project Russia as the natural ally of all those who pine for a more secure, illiberal world free from the tradition-crushing rush of globalization, multiculturalism, and women's and gay rights."
— Andrew Higgins (The New York Times: In Expanding Russian Influence, Faith Combines With Firepower)
South Korea
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South Korea's major conservative party, the People Power Party (South Korea), has changed its form throughout its history. First it was the Democratic-Liberal Party(민주자유당, Minju Ja-yudang) and its first head was Roh Tae-woo who was the first President of the Sixth Republic of South Korea. Democratic-Liberal Party was founded by the merging of Roh Tae-woo's Democratic Justice Party, Kim Young Sam's Reunification Democratic Party and Kim Jong-pil's New Democratic Republican Party. And again through election its second leader, Kim Young-sam, became the fourteenth President of Korea. When the conservative party was beaten by the opposition party in the general election, it changed its form again to follow the party members' demand for reforms. It became the New Korean Party, but it changed again one year later since the President Kim Young-sam was blamed by the citizen for the International Monetary Fund.[مطلوب توضيح] It changed its name to Grand National Party (GNP). Since the late Kim Dae-jung assumed the presidency in 1998, GNP had been the opposition party until Lee Myung-bak won the presidential election of 2007.
Singapore
Singapore's only conservative party is the People's Action Party (PAP). It is currently in government and has been in government since independence in 1965. It has promoted conservative values in the form of Asian democracy and values or 'shared values'. The main party on the left of the political spectrum in Singapore is the Workers' Party (WP).[112]
United States
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The meaning of conservatism in the United States has little in common with the way the word is used elsewhere. As Ribuffo (2011) notes, "what Americans now call conservatism much of the world calls liberalism or neoliberalism".[113] American conservatism is a broad system of political beliefs in the United States that is characterized by respect for American traditions, support for Judeo-Christian values, economic liberalism, anti-communism, and a defense of Western culture. Liberty within the bounds of conformity to conservatism is a core value, with a particular emphasis on strengthening the free market, limiting the size and scope of government and opposition to high taxes and government or labor union encroachment on the entrepreneur.
The 1830s Democratic Party became divided between Southern Democrats, who supported slavery, secession, and later segregation, and the Northern Democrats, who tended to support the abolition of slavery, union, and equality.[114] Many Democrats were conservative in the sense that they wanted things to be like they were in the past, especially as far as race was concerned. They generally favored poorer farmers and urban workers, and were hostile to banks and industrialization and high tariffs.[115]
The post-Civil War Republican Party elected the first People of Color to serve in both local and national political office. The Southern Democrats united with pro-segregation Northern Republicans to form the Conservative Coalition, which successfully put an end to Blacks being elected to national political office until 1967, when Edward Brooke was elected Senator from Massachusetts.[116][117]
In late 19th century, the Democratic Party split into two factions; the more conservative Eastern business faction (led by Grover Cleveland) favored gold, while the South and West (led by William Jennings Bryan) wanted more silver in order to raise prices for their crops. In 1892, Cleveland won the election on a conservative platform, which supported maintaining the gold standard, reducing tariffs, and taking a laisse-faire approach to government intervention. A severe nationwide depression ruined his plans. Many of his supporters in 1896 supported the Gold Democrats when liberal William Jennings Bryan won the nomination and campaigned for bimetalism, money backed by both gold and silver. The conservative wing nominated Alton B. Parker in 1904, but he got very few votes.[118][119]
Since the 1920s, conservatism in the United States has been chiefly associated with the Republican Party. During the era of segregation, many Southern Democrats were conservatives and they played a key role in the conservative coalition that largely controlled domestic policy in Congress from 1937 to 1963.[120] The conservative Democrats continued to have influence in the US politics until 1994's Republican Revolution, when the American South shifted from solid Democrat to solid Republican, while maintaining its conservative values.
The major conservative party in the United States today is the Republican Party, also known as the GOP (Grand Old Party). Modern American conservatives consider individual liberty, as long as it conforms to conservative values, small government, deregulation of the government, economic liberalism, and free trade, as the fundamental trait of democracy, which contrasts with modern American liberals, who generally place a greater value on social equality and social justice.[121][122] Other major priorities within American conservatism include support for the traditional family, law and order, the right to bear arms, Christian values, anti-communism and a defense of "Western civilization from the challenges of modernist culture and totalitarian governments".[123] Economic conservatives and libertarians favor small government, low taxes, limited regulation and free enterprise. Some social conservatives see traditional social values threatened by secularism, so they support school prayer and oppose abortion and homosexuality.[124] Neoconservatives want to expand American ideals throughout the world and show a strong support for Israel.[125] Paleoconservatives, in opposition to multiculturalism, press for restrictions on immigration.[126] Most US conservatives prefer Republicans over Democrats and most factions favor a strong foreign policy and a strong military. The conservative movement of the 1950s attempted to bring together these divergent strands, stressing the need for unity to prevent the spread of "godless communism", which Reagan later labeled an "evil empire".[127][128] During the Reagan administration, conservatives also supported the so-called "Reagan Doctrine" under which the US as part of a Cold War strategy provided military and other support to guerrilla insurgencies that were fighting governments identified as socialist or communist. The Reagan administration also adopted neoliberalism and Reaganomics (pejoratively referred to as trickle-down economics), resulting in the 1980s economic growth and trillion-dollar deficits.
Other modern conservative positions include opposition to big government and opposition to environmentalism.[129] On average, American conservatives desire tougher foreign policies than liberals do.[130] Economic liberalism, deregulation and social conservatism are major principles of the Republican Party.
The Tea Party movement, founded in 2009, had proven a large outlet for populist American conservative ideas. Their stated goals included rigorous adherence to the US constitution, lower taxes, and opposition to a growing role for the federal government in health care. Electorally, it was considered a key force in Republicans reclaiming control of the US House of Representatives in 2010.[131][132][133]
المحافظة السياسية
لدى بعض المحافظين السياسيين فكرة محدودة عمّا يُمكن للسياسات إنجازه، ويعتقدون أن بُغية السياسات أو الحكومات هي المساعدة في توفير حياة كريمة لأفراد المجتمع. ويشكك كثير من المحافظين في أن الحياة الهانئة يمكن أن تتحقق بشكل رئيسي بطرق سياسية. كما يعتقدون أن كل المشاكل السياسية هي بشكل أساسي مشاكل أخلاقية وأن القوانين لم تستطع تغيير سلوك البشر بشكل ملحوظ. ويعتقد بعض المحافظين أيضا أنّ قدرة الإنسان على الشرِّ هي بحجم قدرته على الخير. كما يشك هؤلاء في أن الشر سيزول مع الإصلاح الاجتماعي أو التربية. يؤكد المحافظون أن أداء الواجبات ثمن للحقوق، كما يؤمنون بالرغبة في المحافظة على الطبقات الاجتماعية. ويعتقد هؤلاء بأن الناس جميعًا يملكون حماية متكافئة تحت ظل القانون، ولكنهم يُنكرون أن الناس خلقوا بمزايا متشابهة، كما يؤكدون أن القليل فقط هم قادة بالفطرة، وأن القيادة التي يؤمِّنها هؤلاء القلة هي أساسية لتحقيق النظام الاجتماعى. كذلك يعتقد بعض المحافظين أن المساواة السياسية والاقتصادية سياسة حمقاء تؤدي إلى الفشل.
ويرى المحافظون وجود علاقة بين الحرية والملكية الخاصة للمصانع ووسائل الإنتاج الاقتصادي الأخرى، كما يؤكدون أنَّ إلغاء هذه الملكية الخاصة سيحطم الحرية الشخصية. لذلك يعتقد الكثير من المحافظين أن ال[اشتراكية] والشيوعية تشكلان أعظم خطر يهدد المجتمع الحديث.
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Little of that, though fascinating, would have won Chateaubriand a place in the story of conservatism had he not he passed down to it a repertoire of disavowal for the "empty world" of liberal modernity and a counterpart trust in the "full heart" of faith and loyalty. Chateaubriand was a Romantic among conservatism's anti-rationalist forerunners.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition (in الإنجليزية). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Gentz did not mock the Declaration of the Rights of Man in the satirical manner of Justus Möser (1720–94), the north-Saxon critic of market society and Enlightenment princely reform. Nor did Gentz fault the declaration, as Burke had done, for misunderstanding the character of rights. Gentz instead subjected the declaration to an article-by-article critique (1793) for errors of drafting and logic
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition (in الإنجليزية). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Less well-known thinkers who influenced later German conservatives were against revolution from the outset . . . Müller's hopes for preserving Germany's legally privileged classes, its old "estates," and restoring an imagined premodern unity struck Gentz as out of touch . . . The Revolution took a wrong turn, left history's "rational" march for freedom, and slipped into violent unreason. The Terror, on that understanding, was a contingent horror, as a little part of intelligible human history, Hegel wrote, as "chopping the head off a cabbage." . . . After his death, Hegel's heritage divided like the French assembly into right and left.
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Neither Burke nor Maistre believed that people in general were capable of self-government, though for different reasons.
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Maistre took a bleak view of unregenerate humanity. It could never be relied on to keep the rules and it needed harsh discipline and submissive faith together with the threat of swift punishment. . . .The trouble with trusting people to govern themselves lay for Burke not in their inability to keep rules but in their incapacity to make rules.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition (in الإنجليزية). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
Whether the rules of society came from a divine source, as Maistre insisted, or from custom, as Burke held
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition (in الإنجليزية). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
It was plain to Burke that, once freed from custom and good sense, people were capable of the worst follies and crimes. Maistre thought the same once people were freed from God and his earthly ministers..
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For both, mistaken liberty led morally to bewilderment, politically to revolution, breakdown, and counterrevolution.
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Maistre's and Burke's ideas ran side by side into the tradition of conservative thought that was later labelled anti-rationalist. They did not merge.
- ^ Fawcett, Edmund (October 20, 2020). Conservatism: The Fight for a Tradition (in الإنجليزية). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-17410-5.
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- ^ Feuchtwanger. p. 273.
{{cite book}}
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- ^ McLean, Iain; McMillan, Laistair (February 26, 2009). Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Oxford University Press. p. 364. ISBN 978-0-19-920516-5.
In the developed world neoliberalism is often coupled with Thatcherism [...].
- ^ Dennis Raphael (2012). Tackling Health Inequalities: Lessons from International Experiences. Canadian Scholars' Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-1-55130-412-0.
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- ^ James Jupp (2004). The English in Australia. Cambridge University Press. p. 172. ISBN 978-0-521-54295-1.
- ^ Freyre, Gilberto (1943). "Em Torno Do Problema De Uma Cultura Brasileira". Philosophy and Phenomenological Research. 4 (2): 167–171. doi:10.2307/2103064. JSTOR 2103064.
- ^ "O mínimo que você precisa saber para não ser um idiota". Padre Paulo Ricardo (in البرتغالية). Retrieved July 29, 2017.
- ^ Garschagen, Bruno. "História e tradição do conservadorismo brasileiro". Gazeta do Povo (in البرتغالية). Retrieved July 29, 2017.
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- ^ Kersbergen, Kees van; Vis, Barbara (2013). Comparative Welfare State Politics: Development, Opportunities, and Reform. Cambridge UP. p. 38. ISBN 978-1-107-65247-7.
- ^ Moore, Robert Laurence; Vaudagna, Maurizio (2003). The American Century in Europe. Cornell University Press. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-8014-4075-5.
- ^ Frankel, Richard (2003). "From the Beer Halls to the Halls of Power: The Cult of Bismarck and the Legitimization of a New German Right, 1898–1945". German Studies Review. 26 (3): 543–560. doi:10.2307/1432746. JSTOR 1432746.
- ^ Michael John Williams (February 12, 2020). "The German Center Does Not Hold". New Atlanticist. Archived from the original on June 20, 2020. Retrieved March 7, 2020.
- ^ Abhilasha Kumari; Sabina Kidwai (1998). Crossing the Sacred Line: Women's Search for Political Power. Orient Blackswan. p. 83. ISBN 978-81-250-1434-8.
propounds and extends the ideology of cultural nationalism
- ^ Stefano Fella, and Carlo Ruzza, Re-inventing the Italian Right: Territorial politics, populism and 'post-fascism'. (Routledge, 2009).
- ^ Pepijn Corduwener, The Problem of Democracy in Postwar Europe: Political Actors and the Formation of the Postwar Model of Democracy in France, West Germany and Italy (Taylor & Francis, 2016), pp. 15, 17, 27, 40, 42.
- ^ Denis Mack Smith, Modern Italy: A Political History (1997), pp. 491––496.
- ^ Daniele Albertazzi, et al., eds. Resisting the tide: cultures of opposition under Berlusconi (2001–06) (Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 2009).
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- ^ Sergei Prozorov, "Russian conservatism in the Putin presidency: The dispersion of a hegemonic discourse." Journal of Political Ideologies 10.2 (2005): 121–143 online Archived يونيو 6, 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Marlene Laruelle, "The Izborsky Club, or the new conservative avant‐garde in Russia." The Russian Review 75.4 (2016): 626–644. online[dead link]
- ^ Sirke Mäkinen, "Surkovian narrative on the future of Russia: making Russia a world leader." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 27#2 (2011): 143–165.
- ^ Mark Woods, "How the Russian Orthodox Church is backing Vladimir Putin's new world order" Christian Today March 3, 2016 Archived مارس 4, 2016 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Andrew Higgins, "In Expanding Russian Influence, Faith Combines With Firepower", New York Times Sept 13, 2016 Archived نوفمبر 10, 2019 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Hussin Mutalib (2004). Parties and Politics. A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore. Marshall Cavendish Adademic. p. 20. ISBN 981-210-408-9.
- ^ Ribuffo, Leo P. (January 14, 2011). "Twenty Suggestions for Studying the Right Now that Studying the Right Is Trendy". Historically Speaking. 12 (1): 6. doi:10.1353/hsp.2011.0013. ISSN 1944-6438. S2CID 144367661.
- ^ "Reconstruction: Radicalism versus Conservatism". www.andrewjohnson.com.
- ^ Michael Kazin, What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party (2022) p xii.
- ^ Lyman, Brian. "Fact check: Yes, historians do teach that first Black members of Congress were Republicans". USA TODAY (in الإنجليزية الأمريكية). Retrieved 2022-05-01.
- ^ "How Democrats and Republicans switched beliefs [Opinion]". HoustonChronicle.com. September 15, 2016.
- ^ See David T. Beito and Linda Royster Beito. "Gold Democrats and the Decline of Classical Liberalism, 1896–1900" Archived مارس 26, 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ John M. Pafford, The Forgotten Conservative: Rediscovering Grover Cleveland (Simon and Schuster, 2013).
- ^ Frederickson, Kari (March 26, 2001). The Dixiecrat Revolt and the End of the Solid South, 1932–1968. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-4910-1.
...conservative southern Democrats viewed warily the potential of New Deal programs to threaten the region's economic dependence on cheap labor while stirring the democratic ambitions of the disfranchised and undermining white supremacy.
- ^ Gregory L. Schneider, The Conservative Century: From Reaction to Revolution Archived ديسمبر 5, 2022 at the Wayback Machine "The label (conservatism) is in frequent use and has come to stand for a skepticism, at times an outright hostility, toward government social policies; a muscular foreign policy combined with a patriotic nationalism; a defense of traditional Christian religious values; and support for the free market economic system.", "Within the conservative disposition in America, there are inherent contradictions between supporters of social order and tradition and supporters of individual freedom.", (2009) pp. 4–9, 136
- ^ Sherwood Thompson, Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice p. 7: "Historically...social justice became associated with liberalism in which equality is the ideal.", Rowman & Littlefield, 2014, ISBN 978-1-4422-1604-4.
- ^ Schneider, Gregory (2009). The Conservative Century: From Reaction to Revolution. Rowman & Littlefield. p. xii.
- ^ Cal Jillson (February 22, 2011). Texas Politics: Governing the Lone Star State. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-203-82941-7. Retrieved January 19, 2012.
Social conservatives focus on moral or values issues, such as abortion, marriage, school prayer, and judicial appointments.
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Against accusations of being pre-modern or even anti-modern in outlook, paleoconservatives press for restrictions on immigration, a rollback of multicultural programmes, the decentralization of the federal polity, the restoration of controls upon free trade, a greater emphasis upon economic nationalism and isolationism in the conduct of American foreign policy, and a generally revanchist outlook upon a social order in need of recovering old lines of distinction and in particular the assignment of roles in accordance with traditional categories of gender, ethnicity, and race.
- ^ Gottfried, Paul Edward (August 20, 2007). Conservatism in America: Making Sense of the American Right. Springer. p. 9.
Post-war conservatives set about creating their own synthesis of free-market capitalism, Christian morality, and the global struggle against Communism
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- ^ Gries, Peter Hayes (April 16, 2014). The politics of American foreign policy: How ideology divides liberals and conservatives over foreign affairs. Stanford University Press.
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قراءات أخرى
- Our Culture, What's Left of It: The Mandarins and the Masses / Theodore Dalrymple (2005) ISBN 1566636434
- Fascists and conservatives : the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe / Martin Blinkhorn., 1990
- Edmund Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France, Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. October 1997: ISBN 0-87220-020-5 (paper).
- Crunden, Robert, The Superfluous Men: Critics of American Culture, 1900–1945, 1999. ISBN 1-882926-30-7
- Recent conservative political thought : American perspectives / Russell G Fryer., 1979
- Paul E. Gottfried, The Conservative Movement, 1993. ISBN 0-8057-9749-1
- The British Right : Conservative and right wing politics in Britain / Neill Nugent., 1977
- America alone : the neo-conservatives and the global order / Stefan A Halper., 2004
- Ted Honderich Conservatism
- Russell Kirk, The Conservative Mind, 7th Ed., 2001. ISBN 0-89526-171-5
- Russell Kirk, The Politics of Prudence, 1993. ISBN 1-882926-01-3
- The conservative press in twentieth-century America / Ronald Lora., 1999
- From the New Deal to the New Right: race and the southern origins of modern conservatism / Joseph E Lowndes., 2008
- Jerry Z. Muller Conservatism
- Right-wing women : from conservatives to extremists around the world / P Bacchetta., 2002
- Unmaking law : the Conservative campaign to roll back the common law / Jay M Feinman., 2004
- Radicals or conservatives? The contemporary American right / James McEvoy., 1971
- Robert Nisbet Conservatism: Dream and Reality, 2001. ISBN 0-7658-0862-5
- James Page, 'Ought the Neo-Cons Be Considered Conservatives? A Philosophical Response'.AQ: Journal of Contemporary Analysis. 75(6):32-33/40. 2003; available on-line at http://eprints.qut.edu.au/archive/00003599/
- Conservatism in America since 1930 : a reader / Gregory L Schneider., 2003
- Noel O'Sullivan Conservatism
- The new racism : conservatives and the ideology of the tribe / Martin Barker., 1982
- A time for choosing : the rise of modern American conservatism / Jonathan M Schoenwald., 2001
- Roger Scruton The Meaning of Conservatism
- Facing fascism : the Conservative party and the European dictators, 1935–1940 / N J Crowson., 1997
- James Fitzjames Stephen, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.
وصلات خارجية
- Dictionary of the History of Ideas, Conservatism.
- Dutch conservative weblogs (mostly in Dutch).
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