معاهدة برست-لتوڤسك

(تم التحويل من معاهدة برست ليتوفسك)
لا يجب الخلط بين موضوع المقال و معاهدة برست-لتوڤسك (8 فبراير 1918)، معاهدة مشابهة وقعتها اوكرانيا مع القوى المركزية.
معاهدة برست-لتوڤسك
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أول صفحتين من معاهدة برست-لتوڤسك، (من اليسار إلى اليمين) بالألمانية، بالمجرية، بالبلغارية، بالتركية العثمانية وبالروسية
التوقيع1918 مارس
المكان برست-لتوڤسك، روسيا
الحالةالتصديق
الموقعون امبراطورية النمسا-المجر
قيصرية بلغاريا
 الإمبراطورية الألمانية
 الدولة العثمانية
 روسيا الاشتراكية الاتحادية السوڤيتية
اللغاتالألمانية، المجرية، الروسية، التركية، اللغة البلغارية

معاهدة برست-ليتوڤسك Treaty of Brest-Litovsk، كانت معاهدة سلام أحادية الجانب أُجبرت الحكومة السوڤيتية على توقيعها في 3 مارس 1918 بعد مفاوضات استمرت 6 شهور في برست-ليتوڤسك (حالياً برست، بلاروس)، بين روسيا (جمهورية روسيا الاشتراكية الاتحادية السوڤيتية) والقوى المركزية، وعلى إثرها خرجت روسيا من الحرب العالمية الأولى. أنهت المعاهدة انخراط روسيا في الحرب العالمية الأولى، وتؤدي إلى استقلال فنلندا وإستونيا ولاتڤيا ولتوانيا وپولندا.

بينما سقطت المعاهدة قبل نهاية العام، إلا أنها قدمت بعض العون للبلاشڤة، الذين كانوا منشغلين بالقتال الحرب الأهلية الروسية، بتنازلهم عن جميع المناطق التي تطالب بها فنلندا، إستونيا، لاتڤيا، بلاروس، اوكرانيا ولتوانيا. حصلت پولندا كذلك على قطعة صغيرة من المنطقة الجديدة (والتي شملت وارسو)، إلا أن تلك المناطق جميعها كان غالبية سكانها من الناطقين بالپولندية يشكلون غالبية السكان. كان هناك أيضاً نزاعاً إقليمياً بين پولندا وبلاروس ولتوانيا حول ڤيلنو (حالياً ڤيلنيوس). (في النهاية فازت پولندا في هذا النزاع واتخذت لتوانيا من كاوناس عاصمة لها أثناء فترة الاستقلال 1918–1939.)

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الخلفية الجيوسياسية

معاهدة برست-لتوڤسك هي إحدى أهم أمثلة اتفاقات السلام الاستراتيجية في القرن العشرين، لعل لا يسبقها في ذلك سوى اتفاق مولوتوف ريبنتروب عام 1939 من حيث تأثيره الجيوسياسي. وكما هو الحال مع المعاهدة النازية السوفياتية الشهيرة، تنطوي برست-لتوڤسك على تواطؤ للحكومتين الألمانية والسوفييتية من أجل تحقيق مكاسب قصيرة الأجل، تشمل المتنفس الاستراتيجي، وتبادل السلع الثمينة، وتوقف القتال على الجبهة الشرقية. بالنسبة للحكومة السوفياتية الجديدة، ليس أقل من دول المركز، يتوافق اتفاق السلام مع المصالح الوطنية السائدة، والتي بعد نحو أربع سنوات من القتال المتواصل تتطلب الحفاظ على الأنظمة المعنية.


لينين والثورة العالمية

هدنة المفاوضات

المقالة الرئيسية: Eastern Front (World War I) and Russian Revolution
ليف كامنيف يصل برست-ليتوفسك

By 1917, Germany and Russia were stuck in a stalemate on the Eastern Front of World War I and the Russian economy had nearly collapsed under the strain of the war effort. The large numbers of war casualties and persistent food shortages in the major urban centers brought about civil unrest, known as the February Revolution, that forced Tsar Nicholas II to abdicate. The Russian Provisional Government that replaced the Tsar in early 1917 continued the war. Foreign Minister Pavel Milyukov sent the Entente Powers a telegram, known as the Milyukov note, affirming to them that the Provisional Government would continue the war with the same war aims that the former Russian Empire had. The pro-war Provisional Government was opposed by the self-proclaimed Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, dominated by leftist parties. Its Order No. 1 called for an overriding mandate to soldier committees rather than army officers. The Soviet started to form its own paramilitary power, the Red Guards, in March 1917.[1][2]

The continuing war led the German Government to agree to a suggestion that they should favour the opposition Communist Party (Bolsheviks), who were proponents of Russia's withdrawal from the war. Therefore, in April 1917, Germany transported Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin and thirty-one supporters in a sealed train from exile in Switzerland to Finland Station, Petrograd.[3] Upon his arrival in Petrograd, Lenin proclaimed his April Theses, which included a call for turning all political power over to workers' and soldiers' soviets (councils) and an immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war. At around the same time, the United States entered the war, potentially shifting the balance of the war against the Central Powers. Throughout 1917, Bolsheviks called for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and an end to the war. Following the disastrous failure of the Kerensky offensive, discipline in the Russian army deteriorated completely. Soldiers would disobey orders, often under the influence of Bolshevik agitation, and set up soldiers' committees to take control of their units after deposing the officers.

The defeat and ongoing hardships of war led to anti-government riots in Petrograd, the "July Days" of 1917. Several months later, on 7 November (25 October old style), Red Guards seized the Winter Palace and arrested the Provisional Government in what is known as the October Revolution.

A top priority of the newly established Soviet government was to end the war. On 8 November 1917 (26 October 1917 O.S) Vladimir Lenin signed the Decree on Peace, which was approved by the Second Congress of the Soviet of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. The Decree called "upon all the belligerent nations and their governments to start immediate negotiations for peace" and proposed an immediate withdrawal of Russia from World War I. Leon Trotsky was appointed Commissar of Foreign Affairs in the new Bolshevik government. In preparation for peace talks with the representatives of the German government and the representatives of the other Central Powers, Leon Trotsky appointed his good friend Adolph Joffe to represent the Bolsheviks at the peace conference.

مفاوضات السلام

توقيع المعاهدة، 15 ديسمبر 1917

On 15 December 1917, an armistice between Soviet Russia and the Central Powers was concluded. On 22 December, peace negotiations began in Brest-Litovsk.

Arrangements for the conference were the responsibility of General Max Hoffmann, the chief of staff of the Central Powers' forces on the Eastern Front (Oberkommando-Ostfront, Ober Ost). The delegations that had negotiated the armistice were made stronger. Prominent additions on the Central Powers' side were the foreign ministers of Germany, Richard von Kühlmann, and Austria-Hungary, Count Ottokar Czernin, both the Ottoman grand vizier Talaat Pasha and Foreign Minister Nassimy Bey. The Bulgarians were headed by Minister of Justice Popoff, who was later joined by Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov.[4][5]

The Soviet delegation was led by Adolph Joffe, who had already led their armistice negotiators, but his group was made more cohesive by eliminating most of the representatives of social groups, like peasants and sailors, and the addition of tsarist general Aleksandr Samoilo and the noted Marxist historian Mikhail Pokrovsky. It still included Anastasia Bitsenko, a former assassin, representing the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries who were at odds with the Bolsheviks. Again, the negotiators met in the fortress in Brest-Litovsk, and the delegates were housed in temporary wooden structures in its courtyards because the city had been burnt to the ground in 1915 by the retreating Russian army. They were cordially welcomed by the German commander of the Eastern Front, Prince Leopold of Bavaria, who sat with Joffe on the head table at the opening banquet with one hundred guests.[6] As they had during the armistice negotiations, both sides continued to eat dinner and supper together amicably intermingled in the officers' mess.

When the conference convened Kühlmann asked Joffe to present the Russian conditions for peace. He made six points, all variations of the Bolshevik slogan of peace with "no annexations or indemnities". The Central Powers accepted the principles "but only in case all belligerents [including the nations of the Entente] without exception pledge themselves to do the same".[7] They did not intend to annex territories occupied by force. Joffe telegraphed the marvelous news to Petrograd. Thanks to informal chatting in the mess, one of Hoffmann's aides, Colonel Friedrich Brinckmann, realized that the Russians had optimistically misinterpreted the Central Powers' meaning.[8] It fell to Hoffmann to set matters straight at dinner on 27 December: Poland, Lithuania and Courland, already occupied by the Central Powers, were determined to separate from Russia on the principle of self-determination that the Bolsheviks themselves espoused. Joffe "looked as if he had received a blow on the head".[9] Pokrovsky wept as he asked how they could speak of "peace without annexations when Germany was tearing eighteen provinces away from the Russian state".[10] The Germans and the Austro-Hungarians planned to annex slices of Polish territory and to set up a rump Polish state with what remained. The Baltic governorates were to become client states ruled by German princes. Czernin was beside himself that this hitch that was slowing the negotiations; self-determination was anathema to his government and they urgently needed grain from the east because Vienna was on the verge of starvation. He proposed to make a separate peace.[11] Kühlmann warned that if they negotiated separately, Germany would immediately withdraw all its divisions from the Austrian front; Czernin dropped that threat. The food crisis in Vienna was eventually eased by "forced drafts of grain from Hungary, Poland, and Romania and by a last moment contribution from Germany of 450 truck-loads of flour".[12] At Russian request, they agreed to recess the talks for twelve days.

Special edition of the Lübeckischen Anzeigen, with the headline as: "Peace with Ukraine"

The Soviets' only hopes were that time would make their allies agree to join the negotiations or that the western European proletariat would revolt and so their best strategy was to prolong the negotiations. As Foreign Minister Leon Trotsky wrote, "To delay negotiations, there must be someone to do the delaying".[13] Therefore, Trotsky replaced Joffe as the leader.

On the other side were significant political realignments. On New Year's Day in Berlin, the Kaiser insisted that Hoffmann reveal his views on the future German-Polish border. He advocated taking a small slice of Poland; Hindenburg and Ludendorff wanted much more. They were furious with Hoffmann for breaching the chain of command and wanted him to be dismissed and sent to command a division. The Kaiser refused, but Ludendorff no longer spoke with Hoffmann on the telephone since the communication was now through an intermediary.[14]

The German Supreme Commanders were also furious at ruling out of annexations, contending that the peace "must increase Germany's material power".[15] They denigrated Kühlmann and pressed for additional territorial acquisitions. When Hindenburg was asked why they needed the Baltic provinces he replied, "To secure my left flank for when the next war happens."[16] However, the most profound transformation was that a delegation from the Ukrainian Rada, which had declared independence from Russia, had arrived at Brest-Litovsk. They would make peace if they were given the Polish city of Cholm and its surroundings, and they would provide desperately needed grain. Czernin no longer was desperate for a prompt settlement with the Russians.

Trotsky being greeted by German officers

When they reconvened, Trotsky declined the invitation to meet Prince Leopold and terminated shared meals and other sociable interactions with the representatives of the Central Powers. Day after day, Trotsky "engaged Kühlmann in debate, rising to subtle discussion of first principles that ranged far beyond the concrete territorial issues that divided them".[17] The Central Powers signed a peace treaty with Ukraine during the night of 8–9 February even though the Russians had retaken Kiev. German and Austro-Hungarian troops entered Ukraine to prop up the Rada. Finally, Hoffmann broke the impasse with the Russians by focusing the discussion on maps of the future boundaries. Trotsky summarised their situation "Germany and Austria-Hungary are cutting off from the domains of the former Russian Empire territories more than 150,000 square kilometers in size".[18] He was granted a nine-day recess for the Russians to decide whether to sign.

German and Soviet troops gathering together, February 1918

In Petrograd, Trotsky argued passionately against signing and proposed that instead, "they should announce the termination of the war and demobilization without signing any peace."[19] Privately, in correspondence with Count Otto von Czernin, Trotsky had expressed his willigness to relent to peace terms upon the resumption of a German offensive although with moral dissent.[20] Lenin was for signing rather than having an even more ruinous treaty forced on them after a few more weeks of military humiliation. The "Left Communists", led by Nikolai Bukharin and Karl Radek, were sure that Germany, Austria, Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria were all on the verge of revolution. They wanted to continue the war with a newly raised revolutionary force while awaiting these upheavals.[21] Consequently, Lenin agreed to Trotsky's formula – a position summed up as "no war – no peace" – which was announced when the negotiators reconvened on 10 February 1918. The Soviets thought that their stalling was succeeding until 16 February when Hoffmann notified them that the war would resume in two days, when fifty-three divisions advanced against the near-empty Soviet trenches. On the night of 18 February, the Central Committee supported Lenin's resolution that they sign the treaty by a margin of seven to five. Hoffmann kept advancing until 23 February when he presented new terms that included the withdrawal of all Soviet troops from Ukraine and Finland. The Soviets were given 48 hours to open negotiations with the Germans, and another 72 to conclude them.[22] Lenin told the Central Committee that "you must sign this shameful peace in order to save the world revolution".[23] If they did not agree, he would resign. He was supported by six Central Committee members, opposed by three, with Trotsky and three others abstaining.[24] Debate in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was intense, with Left SRs jeering Lenin as a traitor. The measure passed 116 to 85.[25]

Trotsky resigned as foreign minister and was replaced by Georgy Chicherin.

When Sokolnikov arrived at Brest-Litovsk, he declared "we are going to sign immediately the treaty presented to us as an ultimatum but at the same time refuse to enter into any discussion of its terms".[26] The treaty was signed at 17:50 on 3 March 1918.


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البنود

التوقيع

Borders drawn up in the treaty

وُقعت المعاهدة في 3 مارس 1918. وقعت روسيا البلشڤية من جانب والامبراطورية الألمانية، النمسا-المجر، بلغاريا والدولة العثمانية (تمثل جميعها القوى المركزية) من جانب آخر.

The treaty marked Russia's final withdrawal from World War I as an enemy of her co-signatories, on severe terms. In all, the treaty took away territory that included a quarter of the population and the industry of the former Russian Empire[27] and nine tenths of its coal mines.[28]

التخلي عن الأراضي في شرق اوروبا

Russia renounced all territorial claims in Finland (which it had already acknowledged), the future Baltic states (إستونيا, Latvia ولتوانيا)، بلاروس، وأوكرانيا. (أراضي پولندا المؤتمر لم تُذكر في المعاهدة.)

Russia renounced all territorial claims in Finland (whose independence it had already recognized), Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, most of Belarus, and Ukraine.[29] The territory of the Kingdom of Poland was not mentioned in the treaty, as the Germans refused to recognize the existence of any Polish representatives, which in turn led to Polish protests. The treaty stated that "Germany and Austria-Hungary intend to determine the future fate of these territories in agreement with their populations." Most of the territories were in effect ceded to Germany, which intended to have them become economic and political dependencies, where the local German-speaking minority would be the ruling elite. New monarchies were to be created in Lithuania and the proposed "United Baltic Duchy" (which was planned to comprise Latvia and Estonia). Later in 1918, German aristocrats Wilhelm Karl, Duke of Urach (for Lithuania), and Adolf Friedrich, Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin (for the planned United Baltic Duchy), were nominally appointed, but in reality never became, rulers of these envisaged new pro-German countries.

This plan was detailed by German Colonel General Erich Ludendorff, who wrote, "German prestige demands that we should hold a strong protecting hand, not only over German citizens, but over all Germans."[30]

"ثلاث عظْمات—يا له من بقشيش كريم"، كرتون سياسي من 1918 من رسام الكرتون الأمريكي إلمر أندروز بوشنل
Territory lost under the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk

The occupation of the western part of the former Russian Empire ultimately proved a costly blunder for Berlin, as over one million German troops lay sprawled out from Poland nearly to the Caspian Sea, all idle and depriving Germany of badly needed manpower in France. The hopes of using Ukraine's grain and coal proved abortive; in addition, the local population became increasingly hostile to the occupation. Revolts and guerrilla warfare began breaking out all over the occupied territory, many of them inspired by Bolshevik agents. German troops also had to intervene in the Finnish Civil War, and Ludendorff became increasingly concerned that his troops were being affected by propaganda emanating from Moscow, which was one of the reasons he was reluctant to transfer divisions to the Western Front. The attempt at establishing an independent Ukrainian state under German guidance was unsuccessful as well. However, Ludendorff completely ruled out the idea of marching on Moscow and Petrograd to remove the Bolshevik government from power.

Germany transferred hundreds of thousands of veteran troops to the Western Front for the 1918 Spring Offensive, which shocked the Allied Powers but ultimately failed. Some Germans later blamed the occupation for significantly weakening the Spring Offensive. The Germans began slowly but steadily withdrawing personnel from the occupied territories from east to west as the troop transfers to the Western Front continued throughout 1918. Local independence movements, particularly those based in what is now Belarus and Ukraine, moved in to fill the void the Germans left behind and established themselves in the newly freed territories.

Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine became independent,[29] while Bessarabia united with Romania.

Russia lost 34% of its population, 54% of its industrial land, 89% of its coalfields, and 26% of its railways. Russia was also fined 6 billion marks.[31]

تنازلات في القوقاز إلى الدولة العثمانية

بسبب إصرار طلعت پاشا، أعلنت المعاهدة أن الأراضي التي استولت عليها روسيا من الدولة العثمانية في الحرب التركية الروسية (1877–1878)، خصوصاً أرض‌خان، كارس، وباطومي، يجب أن يُعادوا. في وقت المعاهدة، تلك الأراضي كانت تحت السيطرة الفعلية للقوات غير النظامية الجورجية.

الفقرة 3 من البند IV من المعاهدة ينص على:

"The districts of Erdehan, Kars, and Batum will likewise and without delay be cleared of the Russian troops. Russia will not interfere in the reorganization of the national and international relations of these districts, but leave it to the population of these districts, to carry out this reorganization in agreement with the neighboring States, especially with Ottoman Empire."

حماية حق الأرمن في تقرير المصير

الاتفاق المالي الروسي الألماني في أغسطس 1918

في أعقاب عدم التزام روسيا بسداد السندات القيصرية، وتأميمها الممتلكات الأجنبية ومصادرة الأصول الأجنبية، وقعت ألمانيا وروسيا اتفاقية اضافية في 27 أغسطس 1918. وافقت روسيا بمقتضاها أن تدفع ستة بليون مارك تعويضاً عن المصالح الألمانية المفقودة.

الآثار الدائمة

"پولند ودول البلطيق الجديدة": خريطة لعام 1920 من الأطلس البريطاني، توضح الحدود التي ظلت غير مرسمة بين معاهدات برست-ليتوڤسك وڤرساي وريگا.

The treaty freed up a million German soldiers for the Western Front[32] and allowed Germany to use "much of Russia's food supply, industrial base, fuel supplies, and communications with Western Europe" [33][34] According to historian Spencer Tucker, the Allied Powers felt that

The treaty was the ultimate betrayal of the Allied cause and sowed the seeds for the Cold War. With Brest-Litovsk, the spectre of German domination in Eastern Europe threatened to become reality, and the Allies now began to think seriously about military intervention [in Russia].[35]

For the Western Allied Powers, the terms that Germany had imposed on Russia were interpreted as a warning of what to expect if the Central Powers won the war. Between Brest-Litovsk and the point when the situation in the Western Front became dire, some officials in the German government and the high command began to favour offering more lenient terms to the Allied Powers in exchange for their recognition of German gains in the east.[36]

The treaty marked a significant contraction of the territory controlled by the Bolsheviks or that they could lay claim to as effective successors of the Russian Empire. While the independence of Poland was already accepted by them in principle, and Lenin had signed a document accepting the Finnish independence, the loss of Ukraine and the Baltics created, from the Bolshevik perspective, dangerous bases of anti-Bolshevik military activity in the subsequent Russian Civil War (1917–1923). However, Bolshevik control of Ukraine and Transcaucasia was at the time fragile or non-existent.[37]

Many Russian nationalists and some revolutionaries were furious at the Bolsheviks' acceptance of the treaty and joined forces to fight them. Non-Russians who inhabited the lands lost by Bolshevik Russia in the treaty saw the changes as an opportunity to set up independent states.

Immediately after the signing of the treaty, Lenin moved the Soviet government from Petrograd to Moscow to prevent Germany from capturing the Russian capital in the event of an invasion.[38][29] Trotsky blamed the peace treaty on the bourgeoisie, the social revolutionaries,[39] Tsarist diplomats, Tsarist bureaucrats, "the Kerenskys, Tseretelis and Chernovs",[40] the Tsarist regime, and the "petty-bourgeois compromisers".[41]

The treaty opened a permanent rift between the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries. In July 1918 the Left SRs assassinated German Ambassador Wilhelm von Mirbach in the hopes that it would induce Germany to annul the treaty, leading to the Left SR Uprising.[42]

A map of Europe in 1923 after the Russian Civil War, among other revolutions.

Relations between Russia and the Central Powers did not go smoothly. The Ottoman Empire broke the treaty by invading the newly created First Republic of Armenia in May 1918. Joffe became the Russian ambassador to Germany. His priority was distributing propaganda to trigger the German revolution. On 4 November 1918, "the Soviet courier's packing-case had 'come to pieces'" in a Berlin railway station;[43] it was filled with insurrectionary documents. Joffe and his staff were ejected from Germany in a sealed train on 5 November 1918. In the Armistice of 11 November 1918 that ended World War I, one clause abrogated the Brest-Litovsk treaty.[44] Next, the Bolshevik legislature (VTsIK) annulled the treaty on 13 November 1918, and the text of the VTsIK Decision was printed in the newspaper Pravda the next day.

In the year after the armistice following a timetable set by the victors, the German Army withdrew its occupying forces from the lands gained in Brest-Litovsk. However, relations between Russia and the Allied Powers were also bad due to the Allied Powers' intervention in the Russian Civil War against the Soviet government of Russia and its allies. The fate of the region, and the location of the eventual western border of the Soviet Union, was settled in violent and chaotic struggles over the course of the next three and a half years. The Polish–Soviet War was particularly bitter; it ended with the Treaty of Riga in 1921. Although most of Ukraine and Belarus fell under Bolshevik control and eventually became two of the constituent republics of the Soviet Union, Poland and the Baltic states re-emerged as independent nations. In the Treaty of Rapallo, concluded in April 1922, Germany accepted the Treaty's nullification, and the two powers agreed to abandon all war-related territorial and financial claims against each other.

This state of affairs lasted until 1939, when after signing the secret protocol to the Nazi-Soviet pact, the Soviet Union was able to advance its borders westward by invading Poland in September 1939, by conquering parts of eastern Finland in the 1939–1940 Winter War, and by invading and occupying Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and parts of Romania (Bessarabia and northern Bukovina) in 1940. During World War II the Soviet leadership was thus able to overturn the majority of the territorial losses incurred at Brest-Litovsk, except for the larger part of Finland, western Congress Poland, and Western Armenia.


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Portraits

Emil Orlik, the Viennese Secessionist artist, attended the conference, at the invitation of Richard von Kühlmann. He drew portraits of all the participants, along with a series of smaller caricatures. These were gathered together into a book, Brest-Litovsk, a copy of which was given to each of the participants.[45]

انظر أيضاً

المصادر

  1. ^ Chernev 2017, 1. Ostpolitik Meets World Revolution.
  2. ^ Chernev 2017, Introduction: A Forgotten Peace.
  3. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, II. Kerensky, Lenin, and Peace.
  4. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, IV. "Peace Without Indemnities or Annexations".
  5. ^ Bruce, Lincoln W. (1987) [1986]. "XVIII. Peace and War". Passage through Armageddon: The Russians in war and revolution, 1914–1918 (2nd ed.). New York City, New York, United States: Touchston (Simon & Schuster). pp. 489–491. ISBN 978-0671557096. LCCN 86003696. OCLC 21283621 – via Archive.org.
  6. ^ Czernin, Ottokar (1919). "10. Brest-Litovsk". In The World War. London: Cassell and Company, Ltd. – via Archive.org.
  7. ^ Lincoln 1986, p. 490.
  8. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, IV. "Peace Without Indemnities or Annexations".
  9. ^ Hoffmann, Major General Max (1929). War Diaries and other papers. Vol. 1. London: Martin Secker. p. 209.
  10. ^ Lincoln 1986, p. 401
  11. ^ Lincoln 1986, p. 491
  12. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, V. The Stalemate.
  13. ^ Trotsky, Leon (1930). "My Life" (PDF). Marxists. Charles Schribner's Sons. p. 286.
  14. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, IV. "Peace Without Indemnities or Annexations".
  15. ^ Ludendorff, General (1920). The General Staff and its problems The history of the relations between the high command and the German Imperial Government as revealed in official documents. Vol. 2. London: Hutchinson. p. 209.
  16. ^ David Stevenson (2009). Cataclysm: The First World War as Political Tragedy. Basic Books. p. 315. ISBN 978-0786738854.
  17. ^ Lincoln 1986, p. 494
  18. ^ Lincoln 1986, p. 496
  19. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, V. The Stalemate.
  20. ^ Deutscher, Isaac (6 January 2015). The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky (in الإنجليزية). Verso Books. p. 389. ISBN 978-1-78168-560-0.
  21. ^ Fischer, Ruth (1982) [1948]. Stalin and German Communism: A Study on the Origins of the State Party. New Brunswick NJ: Transition Books. p. 39. ISBN 0878558802.
  22. ^ "Treaties of Brest-Litovsk". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 3 March 2021.
  23. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, VII. "The Tilsit Peace".
  24. ^ Fischer, 1982, pp. 32–36.
  25. ^ Kotkin, Stephen (2014). Stalin. New York: Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1594203794. OCLC 893721553.
  26. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1963, VII. "The Tilsit Peace".
  27. ^ John Keegan, The First World War (New York: Vintage Books, 2000), p. 342.
  28. ^ Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, 1960, p. 57
  29. ^ أ ب ت Service, Robert (2005). A history of modern Russia from Nicholas II to Vladimir Putin. Internet Archive. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press. pp. 75–80. ISBN 978-0674018013.
  30. ^ Ludendorff, Erich von (1920). The General Staff and its Problems. London. p. 562.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  31. ^ Liulevicius, Vejas Gabriel (2000). War Land on the Eastern Front: Culture, National Identity, and German Occupation in World War I. Studies in the Social and Cultural History of Modern Warfare. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511497186. ISBN 978-0521661577.
  32. ^ Combs, Jerald A. (2012). "Chapter 5. The United States and the peace of Versailles". The History of American Foreign Policy from 1895 (4th ed.). New York: Routledge. p. 97. ISBN 978-1317456414 – via Google Books.
  33. ^ Todd Chretien (2017). Eyewitnesses to the Russian Revolution. Haymarket Books. p. 129. ISBN 978-1608468805.
  34. ^ Michael Senior (2016). Victory on the Western Front: The Development of the British Army 1914–1918. Pen and Sword. p. 176. ISBN 978-1526709578.
  35. ^ Bohon, John W. (2014) [1996]. "Russia, Allied Intervention in". In Tucker, Spencer C.; Wood, Laura Matysek; Murphy, Justin D. (eds.). The European Powers in the First World War: An Encyclopedia (4th ed.). New York: Routledge. p. 608. ISBN 978-1135506940 – via Google Books.
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  37. ^ Keegan, John (1999) [1998]. The First World War. London: Pimlico. p. 410. ISBN 0712666451.
  38. ^ Ransome, Arthur (16 March 1918). Written at Moscow, Russia. Ochs, Adolph (ed.). "Lennie's migration a queer scene: Premier in Moscow, Capitalism's stronghold, serene amid his tattered baggage" (PDF). The New York Times. New York. ISSN 0362-4331. OCLC 1645522.
  39. ^ The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky Volume 1, 1918 Two Roads "We have not forgotten, in the first place, that the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk meant the noose that was flung about our neck by the bourgeoisie and the SRs who were responsible for the offensive of June 18."
  40. ^ The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky, Volume 1, 1918 The Internal and External Tasks of the Soviet Power "Those who bear the guilt of the Brest-Litovsk peace are the Tsarist bureaucrats and diplomats who involved us in the dreadful war, squandering what the people had accumulated, robbing the people – they who kept the working masses in ignorance and slavery. On the other hand, no less guilt rests with the compromisers, the Kerenskys, Tseretelis and Chernovs"
  41. ^ The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky Volume 1, 1918 We Need an Army "the entire burden of recent events, above all, the Brest peace, has fallen tragically upon us only through the previous management of affairs by the Tsarist regime and, following it, by the regime of the petty-bourgeois compromisers".
  42. ^ Richard Pipes . Bolsheviks in the struggle for power.
  43. ^ Wheeller-Bennett, 1938, p. 359.
  44. ^ Article 15
  45. ^ Jewish Museum in Prague (2013–2015). Emil Orlik (1870–1932) – Portraits of Friends and Contemporaries [description of exhibition in 2004]. Retrieved 2015-04-03.

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