الامبراطورية الفرنسية الثانية

الامبراطورية الفرنسية Empire Français
1852–1870
العلم درع امبراطوري
النشيد: Partant pour la Syrie (غير رسمي) مغادر إلى سوريا
الامبراطورية الفرنسية الثانية
العاصمة	باريس
اللغات الشائعة	الفرنسية
الدين	الكاثوليكية
الحكومة	ملكية دستورية
امبراطور
• 1852–1870	ناپليون الثالث
رئيس الوزارة
• 1852–1869	المنصب شاغر
• 1869–1870	إيميل اوليڤييه
• 1870	شارل كوسان-مونتوبان
التشريع	البرلمان
• الغرفة العليا	مجلس الشيوخ
• الغرفة الدنيا	المجلس التشريعي
التاريخ
• الانقلاب الفرنسي 1851	2 ديسمبر 1851
• لوي-ناپليون يُعلَن امبراطوراً	2 ديسمبر 1852
• معركة سيدان	1 سبتمبر 1870
• ناپليون الثالث يتم خلعه	4 سبتمبر 1870
Currency	فرنك فرنسي
سبقها تلاها الجمهورية الفرنسية الثانية الجمهورية الفرنسية الثالثة
Today part of	الجزائر كمبوديا فرنسا گويانا الفرنسية گوادلوپ الهند مارتينيك كاليدونيا الجديدة ريونيون السنغال سان بارتليمي ڤيتنام

الامبراطورية الفرنسية الثانية (فرنسية: Second Empire Français) أو الامبراطورية الفرنسية كانت النظام البوناپرتي الامبراطوري لناپليون الثالث من 1852 إلى 1870، بين الجمهورية الثانية والجمهورية الثالثة، في فرنسا.

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 حكم ناپليون الثالث

ناپليون الثالث

الراية الامبراطورية لناپليون الثالث.

بالرغم من أن ماكينة الحكم في الامبراطورية الفرنسية الثانية كادت تطابق تلك في الأولى، إلا أن المبادئ المبنية عليها كانت مختلفة. فوظيفة الامبراطورية، كما كان يكرر نابليون الثالث، هو قيادة الشعب داخلياً نحو الدالة وخارجياً نحو السلام الدائم. Holding his power by universal suffrage, and having frequently, from his prison or in exile, reproached previous oligarchical governments with neglecting social questions, he set out to solve them by organising a system of government based on the principles of the "الفكرة الناپليونية"، أي الامبراطور, the elect of the people as the representative of the democracy, and as such supreme; and of himself, the representative of the great Napoleon I of France, "who had sprung armed from the الثورة الفرنسية مثل مينرڤا من رأس جوڤ"، as the guardian of the social gains of the revolutionary period.

وقد كان نابليون من يسمي أعضاء مجلس الدولة وواجبهم إعداد القوانين، ويسمي أيضا أعضاء مجلس الشيوخ الذي يعتبر كجزء أساسي من الإمبراطورية. وقد أضاف شيئاً واحداً وهو ما يسمى المجلس التشريعي الذي ينتخب بالاقتراع العام، لكن لم يكن له أية حقوق بالمبادرة، فكل القوانين تقترح من السلطة التنفيذية. صاحبت التغيير السياسي الجديد نفس العواقب التي صاحبت شهر الضباب (Brumaire). أثبت نابليون الثالث أن العدالة الاجتماعية لا تعني الحرية. لقد تصرف بطريقة غدت فيها مبادئ 1848 التي حافظ عليها، عبارة عن مبادئ صورية. لقد جمّد جميع القوى الوطنية الفاعلة، التي خلقت روح الخدمة العامة مثل البرلمان، والاقتراع العام، والصحافة، والتعليم والمنظمات. لم يسمح للنظام التشريعي بانتخاب رئيسه أو إدارة إجراءاته أو اقتراح القوانين أو تعديلاتها، أو التصويت على تفاصيل الميزانية، أو حتى مناقشة أموره العامة. تم مراقبة وضبط الاقتراع العام بشكل مشابه من خلال مرشحين رسميين ومنع حرية التعبير وتحرك المعارضة. خضعت الصحافة للرشاوي لضمان الدعاية والسلوك الجيد حيث طلبت السلطات إيقاف نشر بعض المقالات تحت عقوبة الحرمان من الوظيفة أو القمع، كما خضعت الكتب للمراقبة أيضا. ولقمع المعارضة، كان لا بد من مراقبة المشبوهين. فهجوم فيليس أورزيزني على الامبراطور في عام 1858، جاء كذريعة لزيادة صرامة الحكم بقانون السلامة العامة الذي سمح بالاعتقال أو النفي لأي مشتبه به وبدون محاكمة. كذلك تم مراقبة التعليم العام ومنع تدريس الفلسفة في المدارس وزادت صرامة وقوة الحكومة.

عاشت فرنسا بدون ديمقراطية لمدة سبع سنوات، حكم فيها الإمبراطور بنتيجة سلسلة من الاستفتائات العامة. ولم يكن هناك معارضة حتى عام 1857. ومن ذلك التاريخ حتى عام 1860 اقتصرت المعارضة على خمسة أعضاء: (Darimon)، (Emile Ollivier)، (Hénon)، (Jules Favre)، (Ernest Picard). بقي المؤيدون للحكم الملكي غير ناشطين بعد المحاولة الجديدة وغير الناجحة التي قام بها فروسدورف في عام 1853 لإعادة خلق ملكية قوية على انقاض العائلتين الملكيتين.

In order to counteract the opposition of individuals, a surveillance of suspects was instituted. Felice Orsini's attack on the emperor in 1858, though purely Italian in its motive, served as a pretext for increasing the severity of this régime by the law of general security (sûreté générale) which authorised the internment, exile or deportation of any suspect without trial. In the same way public instruction was strictly supervised, the teaching of philosophy was suppressed in the lycées, and the disciplinary powers of the administration were increased.

For seven years France had no democratic life. The Empire governed by a series of plebiscites. Up to 1857 the Opposition did not exist; from then till 1860 it was reduced to five members: Darimon, Emile Ollivier, Hénon, Jules Favre and Ernest Picard. The royalists waited inactive after the new and unsuccessful attempt made at Frohsdorf in 1853, by a combination of the legitimists and Orleanists, to re-create a living monarchy out of the ruin of two royal families.

 التاريخ

 انقلاب 2 ديسمبر 1851

المقالة الرئيسية: الانقلاب الفرنسي 1851

On December 2, 1851, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, who had been elected President of the Republic, staged a coup d'état by dissolving the National Assembly without having the constitutional right to do so. He thus became sole ruler of France, and re-established universal suffrage, previously abolished by the Assembly. His decisions and the extension of his mandate for 10 years were popularly endorsed by referendum, as was the re-establishment of the Empire from December 2, 1852. He thus became "Napoléon III, Emperor of the French", while the popular referendum became a distinct sign of bonapartism, which شارل ديگول would later use.

 مطلع العهد

فرحة نابليون الثالث كانت في أعلى درجاتها في 1856، إذ أسفرت حرب القرم عن سلام أبعد روسيا عن البحر الأسود، وعند مولد ابنه اوجين بوناپرت، وعد ذلك باستمرار الأسرة الامبراطورية.

ففي 1859، قاد ناپليون فرنسا للحرب ضد النمسا على إيطاليا. France was victorious, and gained Savoy and نيس, but the unification of Italy outraged French Catholics, who had been the leading supporters of the Empire. A keen Catholic opposition sprang up, voiced in Louis Veuillot's paper the Univers, and was not silenced even by the Syrian expedition (1860) in favour of the Catholic Maronites, who were being persecuted by the Druzes. On the other hand, the commercial treaty with the United Kingdom which was signed in January 1860, and which ratified the free trade policy of Richard Cobden and Michel Chevalier, had brought upon French industry the sudden shock of foreign competition. Thus both Catholics and protectionists discovered that authoritarian rule can be an excellent thing when it serves their ambitions or interests, but a bad one when exercised at their expense.

But Napoleon, in order to restore the prestige of the Empire before the newly-awakened hostility of public opinion, tried to gain from the Left the support which he had lost from the Right. After the return from Italy the general amnesty of August 16, 1859 had marked the evolution of the absolutist or authoritarian empire towards the liberal, and later parliamentary empire, which was to last for ten years.

 حرية الصحافة

Napoleon began by removing the gag which was keeping the country in silence. On November 24, 1860, he granted to the Chambers the right to vote an address annually in answer to the speech from the throne, and to the press the right of reporting parliamentary debates. He counted on the latter concession to hold in check the growing Catholic opposition, which was becoming more and more alarmed by the policy of laissez-faire practised by the emperor in Italy.

The government majority already showed some signs of independence. The right of voting on the budget by sections, granted by the emperor in 1861, was a new weapon given to his adversaries. Everything conspired in their favour: the anxiety of those candid friends who were calling attention to the defective budget; the commercial crisis, aggravated by the الحرب الأهلية الأمريكية; and above all, the restless spirit of the emperor, who had annoyed his opponents in 1860 by insisting on an alliance with the United Kingdom in order forcibly to open the Chinese ports for trade, in 1863 by his ill-fated attempt of a military intervention in Mexico to set up a Latin empire in favour of the archduke Maximilian of Austria, and from 1861 to 1863 by embarking on colonising experiments in Cochinchina (southern Vietnam) and Annam (central Vietnam). Similar inconsistencies occurred in the emperor's European policies. The support which he had given to the Italian cause had aroused the eager hopes of other nations. The proclamation of the kingdom of Italy on February 18, 1861 after the rapid annexation of Tuscany and the kingdom of Naples had proved the danger of half-measures. But when a concession, however narrow, had been made to the liberty of one nation, it could hardly be refused to the no less legitimate aspirations of the rest.

In 1863 these "new rights" again clamoured loudly for recognition: in Poland, in Schleswig and Holstein, in Italy, now indeed united, but with neither frontiers nor capital, and in the Danubian principalities. In order to extricate himself from the Polish impasse, the emperor again had recourse to his expedient — always fruitless because always inopportune — of a congress. He was again unsuccessful: England refused even to admit the principle of a congress, while Austria, Prussia and Russia gave their adhesion only on conditions which rendered it futile, i.e. they reserved the vital questions of Venetia and Poland.

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 الاتحاد الليبرالي

سلسلة حكومات فرنسا
الگال
الفرنجة
أسرة ڤالوا
أسرة البوربون
الجمهورية الأولى
الامبراطورية الأولى
استعادة البوربون
ملكية يوليو
الجمهورية الثانية
الامبراطورية الثانية
الجمهورية الثالثة
فرنسا ڤيشي
الجمهورية الرابعة
الجمهورية الخامسة

Thus Napoleon had to yet again disappoint the hopes of Italy, let Poland be crushed, and allow Germany to triumph over Denmark in the Schleswig-Holstein question. These inconsistencies resulted in a combination of the opposition parties, Legitimist, Liberal and Republican, in the Union libérale. The elections of May–June 1863 gained the Opposition forty seats and a leader, Adolphe Thiers, who at once urgently gave voice to its demand for "the necessary liberties".

It would have been difficult for the emperor to mistake the importance of this manifestation of French opinion, and in view of his international failures, impossible to repress it. The sacrifice of Persigny minister of the interior, who was responsible for the elections, the substitution for the ministers without portfolio of a sort of presidency of the council filled by Eugène Rouher, the "Vice-Emperor", and the nomination of Jean Victor Duruy, an anti-clerical, as minister of public instruction, in reply to those attacks of the Church which were to culminate in the Syllabus of 1864, all indicated a distinct rapprochement between the emperor and the Left.

But though the opposition represented by Thiers was rather constitutional than dynastic, there was another and irreconcilable opposition, that of the amnestied or voluntarily exiled republicans, of whom Victor Hugo was the eloquent mouthpiece. Thus those who had formerly constituted the governing classes were again showing signs of their ambition to govern. There appeared to be some risk that this movement among the bourgeoisie might spread to the people. As Antaeus recruited his strength by touching the earth, so Napoleon believed that he would consolidate his menaced power by again turning to the labouring masses, by whom that power had been established.

Assured of support, the emperor, through Rouher, a supporter of the absolutist régime, refused all fresh claims on the part of the Liberals. He was aided by the cessation of the industrial crisis as the الحرب الأهلية الأمريكية came to an end, by the apparent closing of the Roman question by the convention of September 15, which guaranteed to the papal states the protection of Italy, and finally by the treaty of October 30, 1864, which temporarily put an end to the crisis of the Schleswig-Holstein question.

 صعود پروسيا

Things went badly, however, when Prussia defeated Austria in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 and emerged as the dominant power in Germany. Confidence in the excellence of imperial régime vanished. Thiers and Jules Favre, as representatives of the Opposition, denounced the blunders of 1866. Emile Ollivier split the official majority by the amendment of the 45, and made it understood that a reconciliation with the Empire would be impossible until the emperor granted entire liberty. The recall of French troops from Rome, in accordance with the convention of 1864, led to further attacks by the Ultramontane party, who were alarmed for the papacy. Napoleon III felt the necessity for developing "the great act of 1860" by the decree January 19, 1867. In spite of Rouher, by a secret agreement with Ollivier, the right of interpellation was restored to the Chambers. Reforms in press supervision and the right of holding meetings were promised. In vain did Rouher try to meet the Liberal opposition by organising a party for the defence of the Empire, the Union dynastique. The rapid succession of international reverses prevented him from effecting anything.

The emperor was abandoned by men and disappointed by events. He had hoped that, though by granting the freedom of the press and authorising meetings, he had conceded the right of speech, he would retain the right of action; but he had played into the hands of his enemies. Victor Hugo's Châtiments, Rochefort's Lanterne, the subscription for the monument to Baudin, the deputy killed at the barricades in 1851, followed by Léon Gambetta's speech against the Empire on the occasion of the trial of Delescluze, soon showed that the republican party was irreconcilable.

 تعبئة الطبقات العاملة

On the other hand, the Ultramontane party were becoming discontented, while the industries formerly protected were dissatisfied with free trade reform. The working classes had abandoned their political neutrality. Disregarding Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's impassioned attack on communism, they had gradually been won over by the collectivist theories of Karl Marx and the revolutionary theories of Mikhail Bakunin, as set forth at the congresses of the International. At these Labour congresses, the fame of which was only increased by the fact that they were forbidden, it had been affirmed that the social emancipation of the worker was inseparable from his political emancipation. The union between the internationalists and the republican bourgeois became an accomplished fact.

The Empire, taken by surprise, sought to curb both the middle classes and the labouring classes, and forced them both into revolutionary actions. There were multiple strikes. The elections of May 1869, which took place during these disturbances, inflicted upon the Empire a serious moral defeat. In spite of the revival by the government of the cry of the "red terror", Ollivier, the advocate of conciliation, was rejected by Paris, while 40 irreconcilables and 116 members of the Third Party were elected. Concessions had to be made to these, so by the senatus-consulte of September 8, 1869 a parliamentary monarchy was substituted for personal government. On January 2, 1870 Ollivier was placed at the head of the first homogeneous, united and responsible ministry.

 Plebiscite of 1870

But the republican party, unlike the country, which hailed this reconciliation of liberty and order, refused to be content with the liberties they had won; they refused all compromise, declaring themselves more than ever decided upon the overthrow of the Empire. The killing of the journalist Victor Noir by Pierre Bonaparte, a member of the imperial family, gave the revolutionaries their long desired opportunity (January 10). But the émeute ended in a failure, and the emperor was able to answer the personal threats against him by the overwhelming victory of the plebiscite of May 8, 1870.

This success, which should have consolidated the Empire, determined its downfall. It was thought that a diplomatic success would make the country forget liberty in favour of glory. It was in vain that after the parliamentary revolution of January 2, 1870, Comte Daru revived, through Lord Clarendon, Count Beust's plan of disarmament after the Battle of Königgratz. He met with a refusal from Prussia and from the imperial entourage. The Empress Eugénie was credited with the remark, "If there is no war, my son will never be emperor."

 End of the Empire

The rise of neighbouring Prussia during the 1860s caused a great deal of unease within the National Assembly, culminating in the July Crisis of 1870. On July 15, the government of Emile Ollivier declared war on Prussia, nominally over the Hohenzollern candidature for the throne of Spain, the pretext for France to declare war in order to satisfy France's increasing unease and desire to halt Prussian expansion in Europe. During July and August 1870, the Imperial French Army suffered a series of defeats which culminated in the Battle of Sedan. At Sedan, the remnants of the French field army, and Napoleon III himself, surrendered to the Prussians on September 1. News of Sedan reached Paris on September 4. The National Assembly was invaded by a mob and during the afternoon of September 4, Parisian deputies formed a new government. At the Hôtel de Ville, Republican deputy Léon Gambetta declared the fall of the Empire and the establishment of the Third Republic. Empress Eugénie fled the Tuileries for Great Britain, effectively ending the Empire, which was officially declared defunct and replaced with the Government of National Defence.

 انظر أيضاً

• Claude Henri de Rouvroy, Comte de Saint-Simon
• List of French possessions and colonies
• Second Empire (architecture)

 Sources

تحوي هذه المقالة معلومات مترجمة من الطبعة الحادية عشرة لدائرة المعارف البريطانية لسنة 1911 وهي الآن من ضمن الملكية العامة.

 وصلات خارجية

• The Civil War in France Karl Marx's 3rd address to the Paris Commune, describes character of Second Empire.