روبرت ستوارت، ڤايكونت كاسل‌ري

"كاسل‌ري" redirects here. For other uses, see كاسل‌ري (توضيح).

الأكثر تبجيلاً ماركيز لوندري KG GCH PC PC (إيره)
وزير الخارجية
في المنصب 1812–1822
العاهل	جورج الثالث جورج الرابع
رئيس الوزراء	إيرل ليڤرپول
سبقه	ماركيز ولسلي
خلـَفه	جورج كاننگ
زعيم مجلس العموم
في المنصب 1812–1822
العاهل	جورج الثالث جورج الرابع
رئيس الوزراء	إيرل ليڤرپول
سبقه	المبجل سپنسر پرسڤال
خلـَفه	جورج كاننگ
وزير الدولة للحرب والمستعمرات
في المنصب 1807–1809
العاهل	جورج الثالث
رئيس الوزراء	دوق پورتلاند
سبقه	وليام ويندهام
خلـَفه	إيرل ليڤرپول
في المنصب 1805–1806
العاهل	جورج الثالث
رئيس الوزراء	وليام پت، الأصغر
سبقه	إيرل كامدن
خلـَفه	وليام ويندهام
President of the Board of Control
في المنصب 1802–1806
العاهل	جورج الثالث
رئيس الوزراء	هنري أدينگتون وليام پت، الأصغر
سبقه	إيرل دارموث
خلـَفه	لورد مينتو
كبير وزراء أيرلندا
في المنصب 1798–1801
العاهل	جورج الثالث
رئيس الوزراء	وليام پت، الأصغر
سبقه	توماس پلهام
خلـَفه	تشارلز أبوت
تفاصيل شخصية
وُلِد	Not recognized as a date. Years must have 4 digits (use leading zeros for years < 1000). دبلن، أيرلندا
توفي	Not recognized as a date. Years must have 4 digits (use leading zeros for years < 1000). (عن عمر ) لورينگ هال، كنت، إنگلترا، المملكة المتحدة
القومية	بريطاني
الحزب	الويگ (1790–1795) توري (1795–1822)
الزوج	ليدي أمليا هبرت
المدرسة الأم	كلية سانت جورج، كمبردج
التوقيع

Quartered arms of Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, KG

روبرت ستوارت، ماركيز لندن‌دري الثاني، ڤايكونت كاسل‌ريْ Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry KG, GCH, PC, PC (Ire) ‏(18 يونيو 1769 – 12 أغسطس 1822)، يُعرف عادةً بإسم اللورد كاسل‌ريْ ( /ˈkɑːsəlreɪ/ KAR-sul-RAY)، كان رجل دولة بريطاني أنگلو-أيرلندي. كوزير الخارجية البريطاني، من 1812 فقد كان محورياً لادارة التحالف الذي هزم ناپليون وكان الدبلوماسي البريطاني الرئيسي في مؤتمر ڤيينا. كما كان كاسل‌ريْ زعيم مجلس العموم البريطاني في حكومة ليڤرپول من 1812 حتى حتى انتحاره في أغسطس 1822. فثي السنوات المبكرة من حياته العملية، ككبير وزراء أيرلندا، لعب دوراً في إخماد التمرد الأيرلندي 1798 وكان له دوراً أساسياً في ضمان تمرير القانون الأيرلندي للاتحاد 1800.

سياسته الخارجية من 1814 كانت تتمثل في العمل برفقة الزعماء الممثلين في مجلس ڤيينا لجلب السلام إلى أوروپا بما يتفق مع المزاج المحافظ في ذلك الوقت. أكثر بكثير مما يفرضه منصب رئيس الوزراء لورد ليڤرپول، كان مسئولاً عن التدابير القمعية الداخلية. توصل المؤرخ تشارلز وبستر إلى أن:

"لم يكن أبداً رجل الدول صاحب الأفكار الصائبة دائماً، وصاحب الموقف الخطأ تجاه الرأي العام. كان مثل هذا التفاوت بين الوعي بالغايات والوعي بالوسائل يرقى إلى مستوى الفشل في مؤهلات رجل الدولة."

 النشأة والسيرة في أيرلندا

Robert was born on 18 June 1769 in 28 Henry Street, in Dublin's Northside. He was the second and only surviving child of Robert Stewart (the elder) and his wife Sarah Frances Seymour-Conway. His parents married in 1766.

 التعليم

The younger Robert Stewart had recurring health problems throughout his childhood, and was sent to The Royal School, Armagh, rather than to England for his secondary education. At the encouragement of Charles Pratt, first Earl of Camden, who took a great interest in him and treated him as if he had been a grandson by blood, he later attended St. John's College, Cambridge (1786–87), where he applied himself with greater diligence than expected from an aristocrat and excelled in his first-year examinations. But he then withdrew, pleading an illness that he admitted to Camden was something "which cannot be directly acknowledged before women", i.e. something sexually transmitted.^:29

 رئيس مجلس السيطرة

 ولسلي والهند

In the new Parliament of the United Kingdom the tensions within the ruling Tories over Catholic emancipation abated, and after obtaining his desired cessation of hostilities with France (the Peace of Amiens), in July 1802 Henry Addington brought Castlereagh into the Cabinet as President of the Board of Control. His chief task was to mediate the bitter disputes between the Governor-General of India, Richard Wellesley (the brother of Arthur Wellesley) and the Directors of the East India Company, smoothing quarrels while generally supporting Lord Wellesley's policies.^:107–114 In 1805, with the renewed struggle against Napoleon in Europe the overriding priority, he presided over Wellesley's recall and replacement by Lord Cornwallis, and over the subsequent abandonment of most of Wellesley's recent acquisitions in central India.^:115

 وزير الحربية

 هانوفر وكوبنهاگن وڤالكرن

After the renewal of the war against Napoleon, at the urging of Castlereagh and other long-time supporters in 1804 Pitt returned as Prime Minister. Castlereagh entered the new cabinet as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies.

While pushing forward reforms of the military, he joined Pitt in endorsing an aggressive expeditionary policy. In October 1805, an army under General Sir George Don was landed at the mouth of the Elbe with a view to liberating Hanover. Following Napoleon's triumph over the Russian and Austrian armies at Austerlitz in December, it had to be recalled at great cost.^:120–123

As the only other member of Pitt's cabinet in the House of Commons, Castlereagh became Pitt's political deputy, taking on ever more burdens as Pitt's health continued to decline. After Pitt's death in 1806, Castlereagh resigned amid the chaos of the Ministry of All the Talents. When that Government collapsed, Castlereagh again became Secretary of State for War and the Colonies in 1807, this time in the ministry of the Duke of Portland.

In August 1807, he concurred with Foreign Secretary George Canning in authorising a British bombardment of the neutral Danish capital, Copenhagen. They sought to pre-emptively capture or destroy the Dano-Norwegian fleet fearing that it would fall into French hands. The incident precipitated both the Anglo-Russian War of 1807 and Denmark's adherence to the Continental System and alliance with France.

In 1808 Castlereagh had been warned by Dumouriez that the best policy England could adopt with respect to colonies in Spanish America was to relinquish all ideas of military conquest by Arthur Wellesley and instead support the emancipation of the territories. Furthermore, Dumouriez suggested that once emancipation was achieved, a constitutional monarchy should be established with the exiled Duke of Orleans as King.

In 1809, with the Dowager Marchioness of Downshire now manoeuvring against him in London, the debacle of the Walcheren Expedition subjected Castlereagh to particularly hostile scrutiny.^{:225, 252}

 مبارزة بالنار مع كاننگ

Canning claimed to have opposed the Walcheren Expedition, to have dismissed the landing on the Dutch coast as an ill-advised, ill-prepared diversion of troops from the Peninsular War. Castlereagh had the support of General Wellesley, and evidence later surfaced that the Foreign Secretary himself had interfered with the plan, selecting the Earl of Chatham to command the expedition. The Portland government became increasingly paralysed by disputes between the two men. Portland was in deteriorating health and gave no lead, until Canning threatened resignation unless Castlereagh was removed. When Castlereagh discovered Canning's terms had been accepted, he challenged the Foreign Secretary to a duel.

The duel was fought on 21 September 1809 on Putney Heath. Canning missed but Castlereagh wounded his opponent in the thigh. There was much outrage that two cabinet ministers had sought to settle their differences in such a manner, and they both felt compelled to resign. Six months later, Canning published a full account of his actions in the affair, but many who had initially rallied to him became convinced Castlereagh had been betrayed by his cabinet colleague.

 عمله الدبلوماسي

تمثال نصفي رخامي لكاسل‌ري، نحت جوسف نولكنز، 1821. مركز يال للفن البريطاني.

بعد ثلاث سنوات، عام 1821، عاد كاسل‌ري إلى الحكومة، وتقلد هذه المرة منصب وزير الخارجية، المنصب الذي خدم فيه العشر سنوات التالية. أصبح أيضاً زعيم مجلس العموم قبيل اغتيال سپنسر پرسڤال.

 معاهدة شومون

In his role of Foreign Secretary, he was instrumental in negotiating what has become known as the quadruple alliance between Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia at Chaumont in March 1814, in the negotiation of the Treaty of Paris that brought peace with France, and at the Congress of Vienna. The Treaty of Chaumont was part of the final deal offered to Napoleon Bonaparte in 1814. Napoleon rejected it and it never took effect. However, the key terms reaffirmed decisions that had been made already. These decisions were again ratified and put into effect by the Congress of Vienna of 1814–1815. The terms were largely written by Lord Castlereagh, who offered cash subsidies to keep the other armies in the field against Napoleon. Key terms included the establishment of a confederated Germany, the division of Italy into independent states, the restoration of the Bourbon kings of Spain, and the enlargement of the Netherlands to include what in 1830 would become modern Belgium. The treaty of Chaumont became the cornerstone of the European Alliance which formed the balance of power for decades.

Historian G. M. Trevelyan argues:

In 1813 and 1814 Castlereagh played the part that William III and Marlborough had played more than a hundred years before, in holding together an alliance of jealous, selfish, weak-kneed states and princes, by a vigour of character and singleness of purpose that held Metternich, the Czar, and the King of Prussia on the common track until the goal was reached. It is quite possible that, but for the lead taken by Castlereagh in the allied counsels, France would never have been reduced to her ancient limits, nor Napoleon dethroned.

 مؤتمر ڤيينا

At the Congress of Vienna, Castlereagh designed and proposed a form of collective and collaborative security for Europe, then called a Congress system. In the Congress system, the main signatory powers met periodically (every two years or so) and collectively managed European affairs. This system was used in an attempt to address the Polish-Saxon crisis at Vienna and the question of Greek independence at Laibach. The following ten years saw five European Congresses where disputes were resolved with a diminishing degree of effectiveness. Finally, by 1822, the whole system had collapsed because of the irreconcilable differences of opinion between Britain, Austria, and Russia, and because of the lack of support for the Congress system in British public opinion.

In the years 1812 to 1822, Castlereagh continued to manage Britain's foreign policy, generally pursuing a policy of continental engagement uncharacteristic of British foreign policy in the nineteenth century. Castlereagh was not an effective public speaker and his diplomatic presentation style was at times abstruse.

 Nonintervention in European affairs

In May 1820 Castlereagh circulated to high officials a major state paper that set the main British policy for the rest of the century. Temperley and Penson call it, "the most famous State Paper in British history and the one of the widest ultimate consequences." Castlereagh called for no British intervention in continental affairs. He argued that the purpose of the Quadruple Alliance was to contain France and put down revolutions. But the Spanish revolt did not threaten European peace nor any of the great powers. Castlereagh said that in actual practice the powers would seldom be able to agree on concerted action, and he pointed out that British public opinion would not support interventions. He admitted that individual states could indeed intervene in affairs in their recognized sphere of interest, such as Austria's intervention in Italy.^{:258, 263–264}

 سخرية توماس مور

As a press, or squib, writer for the Whigs, Thomas Moore, better remembered as Ireland's national bard, mercilessly lampooned Castlereagh. In what were the "verbal equivalents of the political cartoons of the day", Tom Crib's Memorial to Congress (1818) and "Fables for the Holy Alliance" (1823), Moore savages Castlereagh's pirouetting with Britain's reactionary continental allies.

Widely read, so that Moore eventually produced a sequel, was his verse novel The Fudge Family in Paris (1818). The family of an Irishman working as a propagandist for Castlereagh in Paris, the Fudges are accompanied by an accomplished tutor and classicist, Phelim Connor. An upright but disillusioned Irish Catholic, his letters to a friend reflect Moore's own views. Connor's regular epistolary denunciations of Castlereagh had two recurrent themes. First is Castlereagh as "the embodiment of the sickness with which Ireland had infected British politics as a consequence of the union":^:530–531 "We sent thee Castlereagh—as heaps of dead Have slain their slayers by the pest they spread". The second is that at the time of the Acts of Union Castlereagh's support for Catholic emancipation had been disingenuous. Castlereagh had been master of "that faithless craft" which can "cart the slave, can swear he shall be freed", but then "basely spurns him" when his "point is gain'd."

This imputation that he had betrayed his country, bloodied his hands in 1798, and deliberately deceived Catholics at the time of the Union all reportedly wounded Castlereagh. Moore learnt from a mutual connection that Castlereagh had said that "the humorous and laughing things he did not at all mind, but the verses of the Tutor in the Fudge Family were quite another sort of thing, and were in very bad taste indeed."^:531 For openly casting the same aspersions against the former Chief Secretary, in 1811 the London-based Irish publisher and former United Irishman, Peter Finnerty, was sentenced to eighteen months for libel.

 التدهور والوفاة

Castlereagh's house, Woollet Hall (now called Loring Hall), in North Cray in Bexley, south London

Blue plaque along the North Cray Road

Despite his contributions to the defeat of Napoleon and the restoration of peace, Castlereagh became extremely unpopular at home. He was attacked in the House of Commons by the Opposition for his support of repressive European governments, while the public resented his role in handling the Commons side of the divorce of George IV and Queen Caroline. He was also condemned for his association with repressive measures of the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth (the former Prime Minister Addington). As Leader of the House of Commons for the Liverpool Government, he was often called upon to defend government policy in the House. He had to support the widely reviled measures taken by Sidmouth and the others, including the infamous Six Acts, to remain in cabinet and continue his diplomatic work. For these reasons, Castlereagh appears with other members of Lord Liverpool's Cabinet in Shelley's poem The Masque of Anarchy, which was inspired by, and heavily critical of, the Peterloo Massacre:

I met Murder on the way –
He had a mask like Castlereagh –
Very smooth he looked, yet grim;
Seven bloodhounds followed him.

All were fat; and well they might
Be in admirable plight,
For one by one, and two by two,
He tossed them human hearts to chew
Which from his wide cloak he drew.

After the death of his father in April 1821, which "greatly afflicted him", Castlereagh became the 2nd Marquess of Londonderry. Although ineligible to continue sitting for an Irish constituency, as a non-representative Irish peer he was eligible to sit in the House of Commons for an English seat. Preparations had already been made, and he was able to vacate Down and swiftly win a by-election for his uncle Lord Hertford's borough of Orford of which he had been an MP between 1796 and 1797. He also stood in good favour with the new King, George IV, who openly proposed to dismiss Lord Liverpool and appoint Castlereagh in his stead. Castlereagh's relations with his colleagues, however, were beginning to break down, possibly under the influence of paranoia. In March 1821, he told his brother he lacked able support on the government benches, and that his parliamentary labours were 'difficult to endure'.

By 1822, he was showing clear signs of a form of paranoia or a nervous breakdown. He was severely overworked with both his responsibilities in leading the government in the House and the never-ending diplomacy required to manage conflicts among the other major powers. His oratory in the House had never been of the highest calibre, but now he was considered to be practically incoherent. He spoke of resigning his office if matters did not improve.

Castlereagh began confessing to what was at the time criminal activity. He had already told his friend Mrs. Arbuthnot that he was being blackmailed for an alleged homosexual offence; at a 9 August meeting with the King, Castlereagh appeared distracted, said he was being mysteriously watched by a servant, and that he had committed all manner of crimes, remarking finally, "I am accused of the same crime as the Bishop of Clogher." Percy Jocelyn, who had been the Bishop of Clogher until the previous month, was prosecuted for homosexuality. The King concluded he was unwell and urged him to rest.^:541–542

The King then sent a message to Lord Liverpool warning him of Castlereagh's illness; Liverpool initially failed to take the matter seriously and dismissed the message. Later that day, however, Castlereagh met with the Duke of Wellington, his cabinet colleague. Castlereagh behaved much as he had with the King; Wellington bluntly told Castlereagh he was not in his right mind, advised him to see a doctor, and alerted Castlereagh's personal physician Charles Bankhead, as well as Castlereagh's friends the Arbuthnots. On the advice of Bankhead, Castlereagh went to his country seat at Woollet Hall in Water Lane, North Cray, Kent, for a weekend stay. He continued to be distressed, and to the concern of his friends and family, ranted wildly about conspiracies and threats to his life. No special watch was kept on him, though his wife saw to it that his pistols and razors were locked away.^:543

Lady Castlereagh wrote to the King informing him that her husband would be unable to continue with official business. The King responded with a note to Castlereagh that his minister did not live to read: "Remember of what importance Your Health is to the Country but above all things to Me".^:543–544

At about 7:30 am on the morning of 12 August 1822, he sent for Bankhead, who found him in a dressing room seconds after he had cut his own throat, using a small knife which had been overlooked. He collapsed when Bankhead entered, and died almost instantly.

Retrospective speculative diagnoses vary. At the time, his brother blamed "the intrigues that were carried on by the women surrounding the king" (the king's mistress, Lady Conyngham, was not on good terms with Castlereagh's wife). George Agar Ellis, on the other hand, concluded Castlereagh was disillusioned by "the nothingness of human grandeurs ... the sad effects which disappointment and chagrin may have on a mind in which religion is not uppermost, for I have no doubt that the sad and apparently irretrievable state of affairs in England was the real cause of ... [his] unfortunate state of mind." Later verdicts attribute the problem to overwork and mental stress, or to "a psychotic depressive illness". Other theories link various instances of (at the time) little explained illness to syphilis.

The Suicide of Lord Castlereagh by George Cruikshank, 1822

 ردود الأفعال على وفاته

An inquest concluded that the act had been committed while insane, avoiding the harsh strictures of a felo de se verdict. The verdict allowed Lady Londonderry to see her husband buried with honour in Westminster Abbey near his mentor, William Pitt. The pallbearers included the Prime Minister Lord Liverpool, the former Prime Minister Lord Sidmouth and two future Prime Ministers, the Duke of Wellington and Frederick Robinson. Some radicals, notably William Cobbett, claimed a "cover-up" within the government and viewed the verdict and Castlereagh's public funeral as a damning indictment of the elitism and privilege of the unreformed electoral system. At his funeral on 20 August, the crowds which lined the funeral route were generally respectful and decorous, but some jeering and insults were heard (although not to the level of unanimity projected in the radical press); and there was cheering when the coffin was taken out of the hearse at the Abbey door. A funeral monument was not erected until 1850 when his half-brother and successor, Charles Stewart Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry did so.

Some time after Castlereagh's death, Lord Byron wrote a quip about his grave:

Posterity will ne'er survey
A nobler grave than this:
Here lie the bones of Castlereagh:
Stop, traveller, and piss.

Some of his opponents were damning in their verdicts. Thomas Creevy defied "any human being to discover a single feature of his character that can stand a moment's criticism. By experience, good manners and great courage, he managed a corrupt House of Commons pretty well, with some address. This is the whole of his intellectual merit. He had a limited understanding and no knowledge, and his whole life was spent in an avowed, cold-blooded contempt of every honest public principle." Sir Robert Wilson believed that there had never been "a greater enemy to civil liberty or a baser slave."

Others of Castlereagh's political opponents were more gracious in their epigrams. Henry Brougham, a Whig politician and later the Lord Chancellor, who had battled frequently with Castlereagh, once almost to the point of calling him out, and had denigrated his skills as Leader, wrote in the week following Castlereagh's death:

Put all their other men together in one scale, and poor Castlereagh in the other – single he plainly weighed them down ... One can't help feeling a little for him, after being pitted against him for several years, pretty regularly. It is like losing a connection suddenly. Also he was a gentleman, and the only one amongst them.

Modern historians stress the success of Castlereagh's career in spite of the hatred and ignominy he suffered. Trevelyan contrasts his positive achievements and his pitiful failures. His diplomacy was applauded by historians. For example, in 1919 diplomatic historians recommended his wise policies of 1814–1815 to the British delegation to the Paris peace conferences that ended the First World War. Historian R. J. White underscores the paradox:

There probably never was a statesman whose ideas were so right and whose attitude to public opinion was so wrong. Such disparity between the grasp of ends and the understanding of means amounts to a failure in statesmanship.

His biographer John Bew writes:

No British statesman of the 19th century reached the same level of international influence....But very few have been so maligned by their own countrymen and so abused in history. This shy and handsome Ulsterman is perhaps the most hated domestic political figure in both modern British and Irish political history.

 قراءات إضافية

• Bew, John. Castlereagh: Enlightenment, War and Tyranny, London: Quercus (2011) ISBN 978-0-85738-186-6
  • review essay by Jack Gumpert Wasserman, in The Byron Journal (2013) Vol. 41, No. 1 online
• Bew, John. Castlereagh: A Life, Oxford: Oxford University Press (2012) ISBN 978-0-19993-159-0 online review
• Bartlett, Christopher John. Castlereagh, London: Macmillan (1966) — especially for diplomatic history
• Derry, John W. Castlereagh, London: A. Lane (1976)
• Goodlad, Graham. "From Castlereagh to Canning: Continuity and Change in British Foreign Policy," History Review (2008) Issue: 62. pp10+ online
• Hinde, Wendy. Castlereagh, London: Collins (1981)
• Hunt, Giles. The Duel: Castlereagh, Canning and deadly cabinet rivalry, B Tauris & Co Ltd, UK/Palgrave Macmillan (2008) ISBN 1-84511-593-7
• Jarrett, Mark (2013). The Congress of Vienna and its Legacy: War and Great Power Diplomacy after Napoleon. London: I. B. Tauris & Company, Ltd. ISBN 978-1780761169.
• Lawrence, Thomas, and C. J. Bartlett. The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, 1812-1815, Britain and the European Alliance (1925) online
• King, David. Vienna 1814; How the Conquerors of Napoleon Made Love, War, and Peace at the Congress of Vienna, Random House, Inc. (2008) ISBN 978-0-307-33716-0
• Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh, and the Problems of Peace, 1812–22, Houghton Mifflin (1973) ISBN 978-0-395-17229-2 (1st pub.1957)
• Leigh, Ione. Castlereagh, London: Collins (1951) — especially for early years, access to family papers
• Muir, Rory. Britain and the defeat of Napoleon, 1807–1815, New Haven: Yale University Press (1966) ISBN 978-0-300-06443-8
• Harold Nicolson, The Congress of Vienna, Constable & Co Ltd, UK/Harcourt Brace and Company (1946)
• Perkins, Bradford. Castlereagh and Adams: England and the United States, 1812–1823, Berkeley: University of California Press (1964)
• Schroeder, Paul W. The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848 (1996), European diplomatic history online
• Webster, Charles. The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, in 2 volumes, 1812–1815 (1931) and 1815–1822 (1925; 2nd ed 1934) vol 1 online
• Zamoyski, Adam. Rites of Peace; the Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna, HarperCollins Publishers (2007) ISBN 978-0-06-077518-6

 مراجع أساسية ودراسات أقدم

• Memoirs and Correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry, edited by his brother, Charles William (Stewart) Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry, London: John Murray (1848–53) in 12 volumes
• Henry Lord Brougham, "Lord Castlereagh," Historical Sketches of Statesmen in the Time of George III, London: Charles Knight & Co. (1845), Second Series, Vol I, pp. 149–61
• Sir A. Alison., Lives of Lord Castlereagh and Sir Charles Stewart, 3 vols., London: Blackwood (1861)

This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). دائرة المعارف البريطانية (eleventh ed.). Cambridge University Press. {{cite encyclopedia}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help); Missing or empty |title= (help)

 وصلات خارجية

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by Viscount Castlereagh
• A Letter to Lord Viscount Castlereagh, John C. Hobhouse, London: Robert Stodart (1819), on the Peterloo massacre
• پورتريهات Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry (Lord Castlereagh) في معرض الپورتريه الوطني، لندن

برلمان أيرلندا
سبقه إيرل كاسل‌ري المبجل إدوارد وارد	عضو البرلمان عن داون 1790–1801 مع: إيرل كاسل‌ري 1790–1793 فرانسس ساڤادج 1794–1801	تبعه برلمان المملكة المتحدة
سبقه هيو كارنكروس المبجل ريتشارد ترنش	عضو برلمان عن نيو تاون ليماڤادي 1798 مع: هيو كارنكروس	تبعه جون ماكسول أير پاور ترنش
پرلمان بريطانيا العظمى
سبقه جون ستفنسون ماثيو مونتاگو	عضو برلمان عن ترگوني 1794–1796 مع: ماثيو مونتاگو	تبعه ليونل كوپلي جون نيكولس
سبقه وليام سيمور-كونواي روبرت سيمور-كونواي	عضو برلمان عن اورفورد 1796–1797 مع: روبرت سيمور-كونواي	تبعه روبرت سيمور-كونواي إيرل يارموث
پرلمان المملكة المتحدة
دائرة انتخابية جديدة	عضو برلمان عن داون 1801–1805 مع: فرانسس ساڤادج	تبعه فرانسس ساڤادك جون ميد
سبقه جون سكوت إدوارد بركلي پورتمان	عضو برلمان عن بوروبرديج January–November 1806 مع: إدوارد بركلي پورتمان	تبعه هنري داوكينز وليام هنري كلينتون
سبقه إدوارد گولدنگ فليپ متكالف	عضو برلمان عن پليمپتون إرل 1806–1812 مع: سير ستفن لوشنيگتون 1806–1807 المبجل وليام هاربورد 1807–1810 هنري دروموند 1810–1812	تبعه دونالد جورج مكدونالد جورج دكت
سبقه روبرت كورزون جيمس گوردون	عضو برلمان عن كليثرو 1812–1812 مع: روبرت كرزون	تبعه روبرت كرزون إدوارد بوتل-وليبراهام
سبقه جون ميد المبجل روبرت وارد	عضو برلمان عن داون 1812–1821 مع: جون ميد 1812–1817 لورد أرثر هيل 1817–1821	تبعه لور أرثر هيل ماثيو فورد
سبقه جون دوگلاس Edmond Alexander MacNaghten	عضو برلمان عن اورفورد 1821–1822 مع: Edmond Alexander MacNaghten	تبعه Edmond Alexander MacNaghten تشارلز روز
مناصب سياسية
سبقه إيرل شانون سير جون پارنل المبجل توماس پلهام جون مونك ماسون لودج مورس	مفوض الخزانة لأيرلندة 1797–1799 مع: إيرل شانون إيزاك كوري Hon. توماس پلهام جون مونك ماسون لودج مورس	تبعه إيرل شانون إيزاك كوري تشارلز أبوت لورد فرانكفورت ڤايكونت لوفتوس موريس فيتزجرالد
	مفوض الخزانة لأيرلندا 1800 مع: إيرل شانون إيزاك كوري لودج مورس ڤايكونت لوفتوس وليام ويكهام موريس فيتزجرالد
سبقه المبجل توماس پلهام	كبير وزراء أيرلندا 1798–1801	تبعه تشارلز أبوت
سبقه إيرل دارموث	President of the Board of Control 1802–1806	تبعه لورد مينتو
سبقه إيرل كامدن	وزير الدولة للحرب والمستعمرات 1805–1806	تبعه وليام ويندهام
سبقه وليام ويندهام	وزير الدولة للحرب والمستعمرات 1807–1809	تبعه إيرل ليڤرپول
سبقه ماركيز ولسلي	وزير الخارجية 1812–1822	تبعه جورج كاننگ
سبقه المبجل سپنسر پرسڤال	زعيم مجلس العموم 1812–1822
Peerage of Ireland
سبقه روبرت ستوارت	ماركيز لندنري of 1821–1822	تبعه تشارلز ستوارت (ڤان)