تاريخ لبنان تحت الحكم العثماني

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تاريخ لبنان

التاريخ القديم
تاريخ لبنان
فينيقيا
التاريخ القديم للبنان
الحكم الأجنبي
الحكم المصري
الحكم الآشوري
الحكم البابلي
الحكم الفارسي
الحكم اليوناني
الحكم الروماني
الحكم البيزنطي
الحكم العربي
الحكم العثماني
الحكم الفرنسي
لبنان المعاصر
أزمة لبنان 1958
الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية
حرب لبنان 1982
السيطرة السورية على لبنان
تفجيرات لبنان 2005
ثورة الأرز
حرب لبنان 2006
الاحتجاجات السياسية 2006-8
صراع شمال لبنان 2007
الصراع في لبنان 2008
حسب المواضيع
التاريخ العسكري
التاريخ الاقتصادي
خط زمني للتاريخ اللبناني
 ع • ن • ت

في عام 1516 سيطرت جيوش سليم الأول على لبنان وعلى المناطق الجبلية من سوريا وفلسطين، وعهد بإدارة هذه المناطق لفخر الدين الأول وهو أمير من الأسرة المعنية الذي قدم الولاء للباب العالي. ولقد أزعجت الأتراك محاولاته التي كانت ترمي إلى التملص من دفع الجزية. فقرروا بسط النفوذ المباشر على البلاد، ولكن ملاك الأراضي والفلاحيين اللبنانيين على السواء قاوموا ذلك، وفي عام 1544 توفي فخر الدين في بلاط باشا دمشق مسموما، وكذلك أستشهد ابنه قرقماس في عام 1585 أثناء قتاله للأتراك.

عام 1590 إعتلى فخر الدين الثاني نجل قرقماس السلطة، وكان سياسيا ماهرا حتى وصف بأنه تلميذ لميكافيلي وأنه كان يتقنع بأقنعة الدرزية والمسيحية بحسب حاجته، فقام بدفع الجزية للسلطان وتقاسم معه الغنائم الحربية، فعينه السلطان واليا على جبل لبنان والمناطق الساحلية التابعة له، وكذلك قسم كبير من سوريا وفلسطين.

أيّد معظم أمراء لبنان الحكم العثماني لبلاد الشام، وكان على رأس المؤيدين للسلطان سليم الأول الأمير المعني فخر الدين أمير المعنيين في جبل لبنان وغيره من أمراء الطوائف اللبنانيّة الأخرى. وقد أمَّر السلطان العثماني الأمير فخر الدين المعني على إقطاعياته وكذلك فعل بالنسبة لباقي أمراء جبل لبنان.

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التنظيم العثمانيّ الأول لبلاد الشام

نظم العثمانيون بلاد الشام كلها تنظيمًا إداريًا متوخين بذلك فرض سيادتهم على الجميع. وجدير بالذكر أن التقسيمات الإداريّة العثمانيّة في بلاد الشام كانت دائما في حالة من التغير والتبدل تبعًا لتغير الظروف العامة والأوضاع المحليّة والسياسية. وجاءت التنظيمات العثمانيّة الإداريّة في بلاد الشام على النمط الآتي: 1- ولاية دمشق وقد تبعها كل من السناجق (الأقضية): بيروت، صيدا، تدمر، القدس، نابلس، غزة. 2- ولاية حلب وقد ضم إليها جميع الأجزاء الشماليّة من البلاد السوريّة. 3- ولاية طرابلس، وضمت حماة وحمص. 4- ولاية صيدا وقد سلخها العثمانيون عن ولاية دمشق.


المعنيون 1120-1697

عام 1590 إعتلى فخر الدين الثاني نجل قرقماز السلطة، وكان سياسيا ماهرا حتى وصف بأنه تلميذ لميكافيلي وأنه كان يتقنع بأقنعة الدرزية والمسيحية بحسب حاجته، فقام بدفع الجزية للسلطان وتقاسم معه الغنائم الحربية، فعينه السلطان والياً على جبل لبنان والمناطق الساحلية التابعة له، وكذلك قسم كبير من سوريا وفلسطين.

الشهابيون 1697-1842

ضم بشير الثاني (1795 - 1840) جبيل في الشمال ووادي البقاع إلى حكمه. وفي 1819 عين حاكم جديد في عكا هو عبد الله باشا، الذي فرض جزية كبيرة على لبنان، فثار الفلاحون ورفضوا دفع الضرائف لبشير الثاني ولم يستطع جمع المبلغ الملطلوب، ولم يستطع السيطرة على الأوضاع إلا بمساعدة الشيخ جنبلاط.

في عام 1822 هرب بشير إلى مصر وإستلم الجنبلاطيون الزمام الفعلي للأمور. ولكن بشير ما لبث أن عاد ونكل بآل جنبلاط وآل أرسلان، وفي عام ،1831 لدى وقوع لبنان في سيطرة محمد علي، كان بشير حليفا وتابعا له حتى عام 1840 حيث إضطر لمغادرة لبنان حيث قامت ثورة فلاحية ضده وضد الحكم المصري. عاد ملاك الأراضي الدروز بعد عزل بشير الثاني، فقاومهم الموارنة الذين كانوا قد حلّوا في بعض أراضي الدروز، فتدخلت القوى الأجنبية ودعم الفرنسيون الموارنة ودعم الإنجليز الدروز.

وفي أكتوبر 1841 قام الإقطاعيون الدروز بإنتفاضة ضد بشير الثالث الذي عينه الباب العالي، وحصلت مجازر متبادلة، فكانت الغلبة للدروز وسيطروا على جنوب لبنان.

أرسل الحاكم العثماني قواته إلى لبنان فعزل بشير الثالث وتحولت امارة لبنان إلى ولاية عثمانية عادية وعين عمر باشا واليا عليها. قمع عمر باشا الدروز فأرسل ثمانية من شيوخ الدروز إلى بيروت وعاد الموارنة الذين هربوا من المناطق الجنوبية بعد أحداث 1841.

تدخلت القوى الأجنبية في لبنان مرة أخرى، وأجرى الحاكم التركي إستفتاء في صيف 1842 أظهر ان الموارنة يريدون إمارة لبنان بحاكم من إسرة الشهاب وأظهر الدروز رغبتهم بالحكم التركي المباشر، ولكن ما لبثوا ان إنتفضوا في أكتوبر 1842 مطالبين بإطلاق سراح الشيوخ وإستقالة عمر باشا، فسحق عمر باشا الإنتفاضة وأحرق قصر آل جنبلاط.

إنتفاضة 1820

عين في 1819 حاكم جديد في عكا هو عبد الله باشا، الذي فرض جزية كبيرة على لبنان، فثار الفلاحون ورفضوا دفع الضرائف لبشير الثاني ولم يستطع جمع المبلغ الملطلوب، ولم يستطع السيطرة على الأوضاع إلا بمساعدة الشيخ جنبلاط الذي أرسل لنجدته.

هرب بشير عام 1822 إلى مصر وإستلم الجنبلاطيون الزمام الفعلي للأمور. ولكن بشير ما لبث أن عاد ونكل بآل جنبلاط وآل أرسلان، وفي عام 1831 لدى وقوع لبنان في سيطرة محمد علي ، كان بشير حليفا وتابعا له حتى عام 1840 حيث إضطر لمغادرة لبنان كلية حيث قامت ثورة فلاحية ضده وضد الحكم المصري.

عاد ملاك الأراضي الدروز بعد عزل بشير الثاني، فقاومهم الموارزنة الذين كانوا قد حلّوا في بعض أراضي كانت تحت سلطة الدروز، فتدخلت القوى الأجنبية ودعم الفرنسيون الموارنة ودعم الإنجليز الدروز، وفي اكتوبر 1841 قام الإقطاعيون الدروز بإنتفاضة ضد بشير الثالث الذي عينه الباب العالي، وحصلت مجازر ومجازر مقابلة، فكانت الغلبة للدروز وسيطروا على جنوب لبنان.

أرسل الحاكم العثاني قواته إلى لبنان فعزل بشير الثالث وتحولت امارة لبنان إلى ولاية عثمانية عادية وعين عمر باشا واليا عليها. قمع عمر باشا الدروز فأرسل ثمانية من شيوخ الدروز إلى بيروت وعاد الموارنة الذين هربوا من المناطق الجنوبية بعد أحداث 1841.

تدخلت القوى الأجنبية في لبنان مرة أخرى، وأجرى الحاكم التركي إستفاتاء في صيف 1842 أظهر ان الموارنة يريدون إمارة لبنان بحاكم من إسرة الشهاب وأظهر الدروز رغبتهم بالحكم التركي المباشر، ولكن ما لبثوا ان إنتفضوا في اكتوبر 1842 مطالبين بإطلاق سراح الشيوخ وإستقالة عمر باشا، فسحق عمر باشا الإنتفاضة وأحرق قصر آل جنبلاط.


عهد بشير الثاني

Bashir Shihab II was the Emir of Mount Lebanon from 1789 until 1840.

The most prominent among the Shihabi emirs was Emir Bashir Shihab II, who was comparable to Fakhr ad-Din II. His ability as a statesman was first tested in 1799, when Napoleon besieged Acre, a well-fortified coastal city in Palestine, about forty kilometers south of Tyre. Both Napoleon and Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, the governor of Sidon, requested assistance from Bashir, who remained neutral, declining to assist either combatant. Unable to conquer Acre, Napoleon returned to Egypt, and the death of Al-Jazzar in 1804 removed Bashir's principal opponent in the area.[1] When Bashir II decided to break away from the Ottoman Empire, he allied himself with Muhammad Ali Pasha, the founder of modern Egypt, and assisted Muhammad Ali's son, Ibrahim Pasha, in another siege of Acre. This siege lasted seven months, the city falling on May 27, 1832. The Egyptian army, with assistance from Bashir's troops, also attacked and conquered Damascus on June 14, 1832.[1]

The reign of Bashir II saw an economic shift in the mountain regions from a feudal to a cash crop system, in which Beiruti merchants (largely Sunni and Christian) loaned money to peasants, freeing them from dependence on their feudal mountain lords and contributing to the development of a handicraft economy with the growing specialization of agriculture.[2]

In 1840, four of the principal European powers (Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia), opposing the pro-Egyptian policy of the French, signed the London Treaty with the Sublime Porte (the Ottoman ruler) on July 15, 1840.[1] According to the terms of this treaty, Muhammad Ali was asked to leave Syria; when he rejected this request, Ottoman and British troops landed on the Lebanese coast on September 10, 1840. Faced with this combined force, Muhammad Ali retreated, and on October 14, 1840, Bashir II surrendered to the British and went into exile.[1] Bashir Shihab III was then appointed. On January 13, 1842, the sultan deposed Bashir III and appointed Omar Pasha as governor of Mount Lebanon. This event marked the end of the rule of the Shihabs.

لبنان تحت الاحتلال المصري

التدخلات الاوروبية في القرن 19 وتغير الظروف الاقتصادية

النزاعات الطائفية

النزاع في جبل لبنان 1840

Christian church and Druze Khalwa in Shuf. The Druzes and the Maronites in Shuf lived in harmony with the exception of some periods.[3]

The relationship between the Druze and Christians has been characterized by harmony and peaceful coexistence,[4][5][6][7] with amicable relations between the two groups prevailing throughout history.

On 3 September 1840, Bashir III was appointed amir of Mount Lebanon by the Ottoman sultan. Geographically, Mount Lebanon represents the central part of present-day Lebanon, which historically has had a Christian majority. Greater Lebanon, on the other hand, created at the expense of Greater Syria, was formally constituted under the League of Nations mandate granted to France in 1920 and includes the Biqa Valley, Beirut, southern Lebanon (up to the border with modern Israel), and northern Lebanon (up to the border with Syria).[بحاجة لمصدر] In practice, the terms Lebanon and Mount Lebanon tend to be used interchangeably by historians until the formal establishment of the Mandate.[8]

Bitter conflicts between Maronites and Druzes, which had been simmering under Ibrahim Pasha's rule, resurfaced under the new amir. Hence, the sultan deposed Bashir III on 13 January 1842, and appointed Omar Pasha as governor of Mount Lebanon. This appointment, however, created more problems than it solved.[بحاجة لمصدر] In Mount Lebanon, France and Britain formed relationships with Maronite and Druze leaders respectively.[9][10][11] While the Maronite and Druze communities remained subordinate to the House of Osman, they considered France and Britain to be their protectors.[9][10][12] European powers took an Orientalist perspective to understand the dynamics in Mount Lebanon.[13][9] British dispatches show that they incorrectly understood disputes between communities as stemming from tribal roots, without rational, which was a continuity of an ancestral conflict between the two groups.[14] The French and British assumed that the Ottoman Empire was supporting and promoting Islamic animosity towards Christians. According to them, by creating conflict between Druze and Maronite communities, the Ottoman Empire could increase its dominance over the hinterland.[9] However, the Ottoman Empire was struggling to control Mount Lebanon. Britain and France aimed to separate it into two provinces, one which was Druze territory and the other which was Maronite territory.[15][16] On 7 December 1842, the sultan adopted the proposal and asked Assad Pasha, the governor (wali) of Beirut, to divide the region, then known as Mount Lebanon, into two districts: a northern district under a Christian deputy governor and a southern district under a Druze deputy governor.[بحاجة لمصدر] This arrangement came to be known as the Double Qaimaqamate.[بحاجة لمصدر] Both officials were to be responsible to the governor of Sidon, who resided in Beirut. The Beirut-Damascus highway was the dividing line between the two districts.[بحاجة لمصدر]

This partition raised tensions, because Druze lived in Maronite territory and Maronites lived in Druze territory. At the same time, the Maronites and Druze communities fought for dominance in Mount Lebanon.[15][16] Animosities between the religious sects increased, nurtured by outside powers. The French, for example, supported the Maronites, while the British supported the Druzes, and the Ottomans fomented strife to increase their control.[بحاجة لمصدر] Not surprisingly, these tensions led to conflict between Christians and Druzes as early as May 1845.[بحاجة لمصدر] Consequently, the European powers requested that the Ottoman sultan establish order in Lebanon, and he attempted to do so by establishing a majlis (council) in each of the districts. Each majlis was composed of members who represented the different religious communities and was intended to assist the deputy governor.[بحاجة لمصدر]

This system failed to keep order when the peasants of Keserwan, overburdened by heavy taxes, rebelled against the feudal practices that prevailed in Mount Lebanon.[بحاجة لمصدر] In 1858 Tanyus Shahin and Abou Samra Ghanem, both Maronite peasant leaders, demanded that the feudal class abolish its privileges. When this demand was refused, the poor peasants revolted against the shaykhs of Mount Lebanon, pillaging the shaykhs' land and burning their homes.[بحاجة لمصدر]


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متصرفية جبل لبنان

The division of Lebanon in two different religious communities mostly dissatisfied the Druze minority. Complaining about their lack of political and economic privileges. These factors and other factors led in to violent religious conflicts, eventually leading to the massacre of about 11.000 Maronites and the displacement of 100.000 as well as Greek Orthodox and Greek Catholics in 1860.[17] Creating an opportunity for European powers to intervene in the region.

اللاجئون المسيحيون أثناء صراع 1860 بين الدروز والموارنة في لبنان.

When the news of the massacres reached Europe, especially France was horrified, and called for action to stop the massacre of the ‘innocent’ Christians.[18] A series of international conventions known as the Règlement Organique were held. In July 1860 a conference in the name of humanity was held in Paris composed of France, Britain, Austria, Prussia, Russia and the Ottoman Empire. A protocol was adopted that provided for 12.000 soldiers from European countries (6000 of which French) to be dispatched to the region. The mandate was to ‘punish the guilty, secure reparations for the Christian losses and suggest reforms that would ensure order and security’. However, Fuad Pasha, the Ottoman official tasked with restoring order on Ottoman behalf, was able repress the violence before the arrival of the European forces.[18]

On 5 October 1860, the participating nations reached an agreement on regional reforms. A new system of autonomy was found, known as the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifiyya (governorate). Mount Lebanon was separated from Syria and gained new autonomy under a non-Lebanese Christian mutasarrif (governor) supported by an administrative council composed of twelve Lebanese locals, consisting out of members from the Lebanese religious communities (Druze, Greek Orthodox, Maronites, Greek Catholic, Sunni and Shia). [19]

Mount Lebanon enjoyed now privileges not granted to other (bordering) districts in the region: The Mutasarrifiyya did not pay taxes to the central government; inhabitants were exempted from military service; law enforcement consisted of and was controlled by locals only; except for the governor, every official was a local and the official language of the administration was Arabic. [20] However, Mount Lebanon had little arable lands. Now that the Mutasarrifiyya became more autonomous, it became dependent on neighboring districts for food supplies, means of living, and largely depended on Beirut’s port for imports and exports, and ideals to annex neighboring districts emerged. These neighboring regions that used to be under Shibabi rule together with Mount Lebanon desired to enjoy the similar rights to the Mutasarrifiyya. Keeping the Mutasarrifiyya and the effect it had on neighboring regions under control, in 1864, the Ottoman Empire decided to join the provinces of Damascus and Saida (the seat of which was Beirut) into one Province of Syria – uniting the districts bordering Mount Lebanon. In 1866 Mehmed Rashid Paşa was appointed governor of Syria. During his tenure he applied many reform measures to counterbalance the effect the establishment of the Mutasarrifiyya had on the region. [21] It was only after World War One that the French agreed to attach the adjacent districts to Mount Lebanon and constitute the State of Greater Lebanon.[22]

Lebanese soldiers during the Mutasarrifiyya period of Mount Lebanon

Restricted mainly to the mountains by the Mutasarrifiyya (district governed by a mutasarrif) arrangement and unable to make a living, many Lebanese Christians emigrated to Egypt and other parts of Africa and to North America, South America, and East Asia. Remittances from these Lebanese emigrants send to their relatives in Lebanon has continued to supplement the Lebanese economy to this day.[بحاجة لمصدر]

In addition to being a center of commercial and religious activity, Lebanon became an intellectual center in the second half of the nineteenth century. Foreign missionaries established schools throughout the country, with Beirut as the center of this renaissance.[بحاجة لمصدر] The American University of Beirut was founded in 1866, followed by the French St. Joseph's University in 1875.[بحاجة لمصدر] An intellectual guild that was formed at the same time gave new life to Arabic literature, which had stagnated under the Ottoman Empire.[بحاجة لمصدر] This new intellectual era was also marked by the appearance of numerous publications and by a highly prolific press.[بحاجة لمصدر]

The period was also marked by increased political activity. The harsh rule of Abdul Hamid II (1876–1909) prompted the Arab nationalists, both Christians and Muslims, in Beirut and Damascus to organize into clandestine political groups and parties.[بحاجة لمصدر] The Lebanese, however, had difficulties in deciding the best political course to advocate. Many Lebanese Christians were apprehensive of Turkish pan-Islamic policies, fearing a repetition of the 1860 massacres.[بحاجة لمصدر] Some, especially the Maronites, began to contemplate secession rather than the reform of the Ottoman Empire. Others, particularly the Greek Orthodox, advocated an independent Syria with Lebanon as a separate province within it, so as to avoid Maronite rule.[بحاجة لمصدر] A number of Lebanese Muslims, on the other hand, sought not to liberalize the Ottoman regime but to maintain it, as Sunni Muslims particularly liked to be identified with the caliphate.[بحاجة لمصدر] The Shias and Druzes, however, fearing minority status in a Turkish state, tended to favor an independent Lebanon or a continuation of the status quo.[بحاجة لمصدر]

Youssef Bey Karam, a Lebanese nationalist played an influential role in Lebanon's independence during this era.[23]

Originally the Arab reformist groups hoped their nationalist aims would be supported by the Young Turks, who had staged a revolution in 1908–1909. Unfortunately, after seizing power, the Young Turks became increasingly repressive and nationalistic. They abandoned many of their liberal policies because of domestic opposition and Turkey's engagement in foreign wars between 1911 and 1913. Thus, the Arab nationalists could not count on the support of the Young Turks and instead were faced with opposition by the Turkish government.[بحاجة لمصدر]

التدخل الأجنبي في القرن 19 والظروف الاقتصادية المتغيرة

The tensions that burst into the sectarian conflict during the 1860s were set within the context of a fast-paced change in the established social order in the region. Under Bashir II, the agricultural economy of the Mount Lebanon region was brought into greater interdependence with the commercial economy of Beirut, altering the structure of feudal obligations and expanding the influence of cash crops.[2] This created increased economic and political ties with France, leading to the French becoming an international patron of sorts to the Maronites of Lebanon.

The links that bind France and Lebanon date back centuries, and it's hard to ascertain when France first acted in Lebanon. Historians date this connection back to the first presence of French Jesuits on Mount Lebanon following their arrival in Syria in 1831.[24] During the first part of the nineteenth century, exclusive Christian identity began to emerge on Mount Lebanon, and the Maronite church played a pivotal role in determining Lebanon's political history and the establishment of a Christian state in Lebanon in 1920.[25] These Catholic communities ultimately established an extensive Jesuit education system in the area, with Université Saint Joseph serving as the first institution, founded in Beirut in 1875.[26] The University exposed its students to a variety of academic subjects, which helped them develop a stronger sense of identity. To gain knowledge about their homeland, students at the University's Oriental Faculty studied archaeology, philology, and history.[27] This long process has strengthened their national identity, and those same thinkers will later demand for the country's independence. The knowledge they received in those schools, as well as the elite that was developed as a result of it, spawned the first nationalist movement.[28] Nujaym, an educated Maronite from Junie, one of the most influential of them, was arguing for the creation of a Greater Lebanon as an independent state. Nujaym's historical and geographical arguments on Lebanon had become a foundation for some intellectuals and politicians “national ambition".[29] It had a direct impact on Lebanon by forming an elite that later governed the country by occupying most administrative and governmental positions, as well as working as a mediator between Lebanon and France, which was the country's mandatory authority at the time.[30] They also contributed to the media by founding newspapers and magazines such as La revue Phénicienne in 1919, which went on to become one of Lebanon's most influential francophone publications.[31]

This left the British to side with the Druze to the extent that a counterweight to France could be established in the region and that such tensions would not result in separatism that would threaten the integrity of the Ottoman Empire.[12] The reforms within the Tanzimat also provided a source of increasing disagreement between Maronite and Druze populations. The European powers attempted to make sure the Tanzimat was interpreted as a mandate to protected Christians in the region and grant them great autonomy; while Druze elites interpreted the Tanzimat as restoring their traditional rights to rule the land.[32]

Foreign actions in Lebanon were dominated by European countries like as England, Germany, and France, although non-European powers such as Russia were also involved.[33] Its their interaction with the Ottoman Empire that would lead them to operate in the Mount Lebanon .During the late end of the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire's economy was deteriorating, the government was forced to seek loans from European banks in order to pay off its obligations.[34] However, the agreements were that they had to trade with Europeans compagnies and lets them control different field or part of their territory this including the mount Lebanon.[35] The railroad trade is one illustration of European countries' worldwide expansion; It originally started in 1888 when the building of Anatolian Railway leading to Baghdad was granted to German developers.[36] Later in 1889, German and French came to an agreement and decided to equally divide the ownership of that new railroad company.[37] This project, also known as the Baghdad Railway, later opened the way for the French mandate. Therefore, in 1902 French firms were at the head of five railroad that ran throughout Greater Syria, which comprised Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and Israel at the time.[33] At the same time as the railroads were being built, the Turks acquired control of the Ottoman government and took on greater debt. This economic instability prompted them to sign a general agreement on April 9, 1914, in which France agreed to lend the Ottoman Empire 800 million francs in exchange for the Turkish signature over the concession granted to France in two prior agreements signed in September 1913.[38] These concessions included the right to construct 1790 kilometers of new railways, as well as the restoration of all privileges granted to French charities and religious organizations in Syria and Lebanon. It strengthened the French legitimacy within the country and facilitated the creation of the French Mandate later.

انظر أيضا

المصادر

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